Principles of U,M / ANIMAL ECOLOGY By W. C. ALLEE ORLANDO PARK Late Professor of Zoology, The University of Chicago Professor of Zoology, Northwestern University ALFRED E. EMERSON THOMAS PARK Professor of Zoology, The University of Chicago Professor of Zoology, The University of Chicago KARL P. SCHMIDT Late Chief Curator of Zoology, Chicago Natural History Miisciiin W. B. SAUNDERS COMPANY PHILADELPHIA AND LONDON Reprinted January, 1951, August, 1955, November, 1959, June, 1961, September, 1963, February, 1965, May, 1967 and April, 1969 COPYMGHT, 1949, BY W. B. SAUNDERS COMPANY ■A- COPYRIGHT UNDER THE INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT UNION All rights reserved. This book is protected by copyright. No part of it may be duplicated or reproduced in any manner without written permission from the publisher. Made in the United States of America at the Press of W. B. Saunders Company, Philadelphia. TO Marjorie Hill AUee Winifred JelliflFe Emerson Alberta Fritsche Park Martha Whitehead Park Margaret Wightman Schmidt "As concerns 'Relations Physiology', i.e., the study of the relations of the animal organism to the external world, this in turn falls into two segments, ecology and chorology. By ecology we mean the body of knowledge concerning the economy of nature— the investigation of the total relations of the animal both to its inorganic and to its organic environment; including, above all, its friendly and inimical relations with those animals and plants with which it comes directly or indirectly into contact— in a word, ecology is the study of all those com- plex interrelations referred to by Darwin as the condi- tions of the struggle for existence. This science of ecology, often inaccurately referred to as 'biology' in a narrow sense, has thus far formed the principal component of what is commonly referred to as ''Natural History. As is well shown by the numerous popular natural histories of both early and modern times, this subject has developed in the most close relations with systematic zoology. The ecology of animals has been dealt with quite uncritically in natural history; but natural history has in any case had the merit of keeping alive a widespread interest in zoology." Ernst Haeckel, 1870 PREFACE In writing this book we hope we have a start at supplying the orientation of which ecology, a subscience of biology, is in need. The time seemed ripe for a group of ecologists, approaching the science from various points of view and with various techniques, to attempt to gather together fundamental concepts, supported in so far as possible by well-verified evidence. Others have accumulated many facts that we have drawn upon freely, from both published compilations and original research reports, but our effort has been directed primarily towards the presentation and documentation of general ecological principles. We have not been wholly successful. Many concepts and principles of a future science of ecology are only beginning to be recognized, and many important ideas that will be taught to future classes in biology have not yet been conceived by the present generation of ecologists. We hope that, as a result of our efiForts, the general biologist may more easily grasp the scope and implications of ecology and that profitable lines of investigation will be more readily apparent to interested stu- dents. We are encouraged by remembering the stimulus gained some years ago from Elton's small books, in which he emphasized ecological principles. From our point of view there is an ur- gent demand for three different types of books about ecology. On the one hand we could well use an encyclopedic treatise of present-day knowledge of the subject. In distinct contrast, a brief statement of the underlying principles would also be useful. We felt that there was also a need for a study of the underlving principles together with a sampling of the evidence on which they are based. This is the task we have undertaken. So far as possible, no fact is admitted to these pages for its own sake, and although no general concept is stated without the presentation of evidence sup- porting it, an attempt has been made to give no more than the necessary minimum of factual support. At one point we are immediately on the defensive. In Umiting our discussion, at least in certain chapters of the book, pri- marily to the principles of animal ecology, we appear to be recognizing a logical dichotomy between ecological relations of plants and of animals where none exists. The decision not to extend our work to in- clude the whole scope of ecology, the so- called bio-ecology of some writers, was based primarily on convenience and work- ability. Yet, although this book stresses ani- mal ecology, we have felt free, in fact we have been compelled, to draw on ideas from plant ecology and to make continued use of the concepts in which plants and animals are necessarily considered together. The dis- tinction between our "animal ecology" and ecology in the most comprehensive sense lies in our emphasis on the animal factors. We stress ecological generalizations from two vantage points. First, there are those principles concerned with the functions or physiology of contemporary individuals and ecological assemblages of whatever rank. Second, there are those ecological principles concerned with organic evolution. We are not interested in helping to continue the separation between these two aspects of ecology. Rather, our aim is to point out their essential interrelation, and we hope we may have depicted ecology in better per- spective in this connection. In addition to attempting the correlation of the shorter-term contemporary phenom- ena with a longer-term evolutionary per- spective, we have also been impressed by the need for an historical approach to many aspects of the subject. Besides the fairly full section on ecological history, the historical approach is frequently made elsewhere in Vlll PREFACE the book. This emphasis has not necessarily aflFected the selection of supporting ex- amples, since neither the older, more widely known illustrations nor the most recently discovered ones have been regularly used. We discuss ecological principles dealing with the nonliving physical environment more or less as a unit, whether they are concerned primarily with the individual (autecology) or with the population or the community (synecology). The consideration of the biotic environment of the individual organism is less unified and perhaps less comprehensive. It is hard to avoid some duplication in dealing with the environmen- tal relations of these different biological units, and the inherent difficulties have not been resolved formally and logically. In dis- cussing principles dealing with the organism in its nonliving physical environment, we have anticipated many somewhat similar in- terrelations with the higher ecological cate- gories. In contrast, much of the discussion of the biotic environment is given in direct connection with populations, communities, and evolution, rather than in a single part of the book. In our treatment of the ecological prin- ciples that emerge with the population as the unit of study, our attention centers first on the population in both laboratorv and field and, later, on aggregations and on certain aspects of societies. The analysis of functional contemporary principles leads naturally to the examination of interspecies groups. Here our primary concern is with the underlying structure, organization, suc- cessional development, and distribution of the ecological community. In this section our emphasis is on terminology only in those instances in which the term itself is a well-authenticated index of the principle. The multiplication of terms represents a juvem'le stage of the science as a whole, and it is hoped that a critical definition and sifting of the concepts that support the terminology may lead to a reduction of their complexity and to an advance toward maturitv. Finally, in examining the problems of evolution we attempt to bring out those ecological aspects that are particularly sig- nificant, such as isolation, selection, adapta- tion, distribution, regressive evolution, and others insofar as they contribute to ecologi- cal principles or as the ecological approach aids in their solution. The book was planned jointly. Each author undertook primary responsibility for preparing the first draft of sections or chap- ters for the handling of which he showed particular competence so far as our group membership was concerned. Early working outlines and successive copies of each chap- ter or section were distributed to the other authors and received criticism concerning both manner and matter, particularly with regard to possible omissions. Eventually all parts of the manuscript were read aloud to the other authors, and there was much dis- cussion of questioned points. We feel that in the main we have reached a truly re- markable degree of agreement both on the major and minor principles of ecology, though some generalizations, emphases, and conclusions are not shared with equal en- thusiasm by every author. Fortunately, these are usually matters of relatively minor significance. Many parts of the manuscript were read critically by persons outside our circle, and the revised version was again distributed to the other authors. Finally there was a period of collation between pairs of authors. Near the end of the writing each author was instructed to use his own judgment in the final polishing of the chapters for which he prepared the first draft.** Chapters from various sections were also read to the * We had originally hoped that many traces of personal origin of chapters would disappear during this extended and detailed critical treat- ment and that final responsibility would rest entirely with the group. This hope has been realized in large part, but, as was to be ex- pected, each author feels decidedly more re- sponsibility for the selection, organization, presentation and interpretation of the material he has himself written than he does for other chapters, or even for the book as a whole. Particular responsibility for the different chap- ters was distributed as follows: Preface and Introduction ( Chapter 1 ) : K.P.S. (based on drafts by W.C.A. and T.P.). Chapters 2, 4 to 16, inclusive, and 23: W.C.A. Chapters 3 and 18 to 22, inclusive: T.P. Chapter 17: W.C.A. and K.P.S. Chapters 24 and 31 to 35, inclusive: A.E.E. Chapters 25 to 29, inclusive: O.P. Chapter 30: K.P.S. and O.P. General editing of the manuscript: K.P.S. The four junior authors here acknowledge the leadership of Dr. Warder Clyde Allee and their indebtedness to him throughout the preparation of the present work. PREFACE IX Chicago Ecology Club, and the resulting discussions were stimulating and profitable. We take this opportunity to thank many people for their help in this enterprise. Of course, final responsibifity for all remaining errors rests with the authors. Dr. Theodor Just (Chicago Natural His- tory Museum) and the late Dr. Chancey Juday (University of Wisconsin) read all of Section I, and the latter also criticized the material on fimnology in Section IV. The late Dr. F. R. Lilfie, Dr. EHzabeth A. Bee- man (University of Chicago), and Dr. Ruth M. Merwin (National Cancer Institute, Bediesda, Maryland) read Chapter 2, and the last mentioned checked its bibliography. Dr. Garrett J. Hardin (Santa Barbara Col- lege) criticized Chapters 4 to 18, inclusive. Mr. Peter W. Frank and Mr. Gerson Rosen- thal (University of Chicago) each read cer- tain of those chapters. Among others from the same University, Dr. T. F. W. Barth (Geology) checked over the paragraphs on earthquakes. Dr. Ralph W. Gerard (Phys- iology) and Dr. Clay G Huff (Parasitol- ogy) gave similar advice and aid concern- ing other matters in Section H, and Dr. Charles E. Olmsted (Botany) gave help- ful botanical aid. Dr. Fritz Haas (Chicago Natural History Museum) was helpful on various sections. Dr. L. C. Birch (University of Sidney) read Chapters 3 and 18 to 22, inclusive. Of the staff of Northwestern University, Dr. William Powers aided with Chapter 28, Dr. Orrie J. Eigsti read the material on bacteria, Dr. L. H. Tiffany was consulted with re- spect to photosynthesis, and Dr. Albert Wolfson was helpful on the subject of bird migration (Section IV). The following men, all from the Univer- sity of Chicago, helped in the section on Evolution. Dr. Sewall Wright read the whole section. Dr. Herluf H. Strandskov read parts, especially the matters dealing with population genetics. Dr. Clay G Huff and Dr. W. H. Tafiaferro criticized and made suggestions concerning parasitism. Dr. O. H. Robertson helped similarly with the treatment of Fneumococcus, as did Dr. E. J. Kraus with the portion on rusts and with plant ecology, and Dr. John M. Beal with botanical names, evolution of chromosomes, rusts, and at various other places. Dr. Ernst Mayr (American Museum of Natural History) read Chapter 32. Mr. Robert F. Inger was extremely helpful in checking bibUographic references, and our few ref- erences to the Russian literature were put in correct form by Mr. D. D wight Davis (Chicago Natural History Museum). The authors are indebted to the Ridge- way Memorial Fund of the University of Chicago for the support that made possible the illustration of the book and to Winifred Emerson for a critical poUshing of the illus- trations. We have freely selected, modified, and redrawn figures from varied somces. The Authors CONTENTS Preface vii 1. Introduction SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY 2. Ecological Background and Growth Before 1900 13 3. First Four Decades of the Twentieth Century 43 SECTION II. ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT 4. The General Environment 73 5. Radiation: A General Introduc- tion 87 6. Heat 91 7. Light 121 8. Gravity, Pressure, and Sound 129 9. Currents of Air and of Water 140 10. The Substratum 158 11. Physicochemical and Cheaucal Phases 164 12. Water 177 13. The Atmospheric Gases 189 14. Dissolved Salts as Limiting Factors 198 15. Combinations of Environmen- tal Factors 206 16. Ecological Relations of Soil 216 17. BiOTic Factors in Relation to Individuals 227 SECTION III. POPULATIONS 18. General Properties of Popula- tions 263 19. Biological Backgrounds for Population Stltdies 272 20. Certain Demographic Back- grounds FOR Population Stud- ies 287 21. The Growth Form of Popula- tions 305 22. Population Factors and Se- lected Population Problems 331 23. Animal Aggregations 393 24. The Organization of Insect So- cieties 419 SECTION IV. THE COMMUNITY 25. Introduction 436 26. Community Organization: Stratification 441 27. Community Organization: Metabolism 495 28. Community Organization: Peri- ODisM 528 29. Community Succession and De- velopment 562 30. BiOME and Biome-Type in World DiSTRiBtmoN 580 Xll CONTENTS SECTION V. ECOLOGY AND EVOLUTION Introduction 598 33. Adaptation 630 oi T- r> \7 can 34. NATURAL SELECTION 640 31. Ecology and Genetic Variation 599 35. Evolution of Interspecies In- 32. Ecology and Isolation 605 tegration and the Ecosystem 695 INDICES Bibliography and Author Index 731 Subject Index 803 1. INTRODUCTION Ecology may be defined broadly as the science of the interrelation between living organisms and their environment, including both the physical and the biotic environ- ments, and emphasizing interspecies as well as intraspecies relations. The living or- ganism may be defined, though somewhat incompletely, as a physicochemical mech- anism that is self-regulating and self- perpetuating, and is in process of equifi- bration with its environment. The environ- ment of any organism consists, in final anal- ysis, of everytliing in the universe external to that particular organism. Those parts of the total environment that are evidently of direct importance to the organism are regarded as constituting the effective environment. The relations of any organism or community of organisms with the envi- ronment are, in the language ot Raymond Pearl (p. 266), (1) particular: specific for every organism; (2) continuous: the organ- ism Uving in its environment for its total life; (3) reciprocal: the environment affect- ing the organism, and vice versa; and (4) indissoluble: dissociation of an organism from its environment being impossible. The organism and groups of organisms are the essential biological units in ecology, and we exclude the intraorganismal or cellular en- virormient except as special cases demand its examination. The reciprocal relations require especial attention. The interaction of the environ- ment and the organism is obvious in almost every field of biology. Physiological proc- esses are correlated primarily or secondar- ily with environmental fluctuations: energy for life is derived from the environment; growth and development show relationship to environmental factors; environmental forces and substances impinge upon the sense organs of animals and the reactive systems of plants; behavior patterns in large Dart are responses to environmental pat- terns; distribution of plants and animals is determined by variations in the environ- mental complex; isolation through environ- mental factors has profoundly influenced genetic systems of organisms, and the en- vironment has acted as a selective agent in deteiTnining the survival of organisms and populations, thus leading to the evolution- ary development of hving systems. in its more scientific aspects, ecology is intrinsically a difficult subject. In its rela- tions it depends on many other phases of biology, and it is built directly, as well as indirectly, on the physical sciences. The subsciences of biology and the physical sciences are in turn dependent upon and af- fected by ecology. Yet in its close relation- ship to natural history, ecology is near the stolon from which all biology has develop- ed. As such it sometimes seems deceptively simple, and under many conditions ecology may really be simple. Almost any good, precise observation within its extended bor- ders makes a useful contribution to the mass of needed ecological information. Its wide range of subject matter, open to ex- ploration by diverse techniques, is a major reason for the lack of ready integration of the field of ecology as a whole. It is at any rate obvious that the development of generaUzations and principles in ecology and the orientation of its subject matter with respect to such principles, have been slow. Workers in ecology, fike those in any other broad field, face reproach from more narrow specialists. Physiologists, for exam- ple, are hard pressed to meet the rigorous standards of biophysics or biochemistry, to say nothing of those of physics or chem- istry proper. In part this particular diffi- culty is not directly related to subject mat- ter, as evidenced by the relative precision gained by specialists as contrasted with generaUzers in any field. In part the difii- INTRODUCTION culty in biology is associated with the in- trinsic complexity of the materials to be analyzed or synthesized. Biologists working with the social hfe of insects, or of other animals, are frequently tempted to regard their own work as more precise than that done by equally compe- tent students of human sociology; and those deahng with human material often feel compelled to explore subjective psychologi- cal aspects of sociology that are almost or completely closed to the student of social insects. Much of human sociology is an integral part of ecology. There are reciprocal in£u- ences between these two sciences, influ- ences that are especially apparent in such practical matters as the development of the Canal Zone in Panama, with the details and outreach of the Tennessee Valley Author- ity, with stream pollution, and with the whole set of problems centering about the potential or actual dust bowls of semiarid regions of the world. Much that is now be- ing done in such projects is recognized as ecology. A major difference between human rela- tionships and those of other animals is the role played by the symboHc language of man, and by ideas, as contrasted with the restricted use of both among nonhuman populations. The extent to which animals other than primates communicate with each other, and the means employed, are still matters for investigation. We know much about the importance of odors as signals, particularly among such animals as dogs, ants, and moths. We also know about var- ious cries, songs, and visual displays that reveal sexual receptivity, or nonreceptivity, that faciUtate aggregation or warn of dan- ger. We have evidence that the complex activities within the ant colony are integrat- ed primarily by touch and odor; to regard such manifestations as language emphasizes the distinctiveness of human speech. The demonstration of ideas— particularly of ab- stract ideas— among the mental processes of nonhuman animals is still more diflBcult. We have purposely avoided emphasis on human sociology, but we hope that in time a maturing ecology will be properly fused with that field. The line between ecology and physiology is equally difiBcult and perhaps equally im- possible to draw with exactness. One of the most helpful distinctions concerns the work- ing imits in the respective subject matter. The physiologist seldom gets beyond con- sidering an individual as his upper limit; often he is content with some organ or even with an individual nerve fiber; his research may focus finally at the molecular level. In contrast, the ecologist usually regards an individual organism as his smallest unit, ex- cept as he needs information about the functioning of the fiver, pancreas, muscles, or other organs in order to understand the general environmental relations of the whole organism, or of the community. The kidneys give a remarkably good illustration of the close correlation that may exist be- tween an inner organ of the body and the general environment. For ecology, the supra-individuafistic units are real entities. Aggregations, populations, societies, and various units at or near the community level present problems rarely recognized by physiologists working as physiologists. Yet the problems of this level are real and fie so near the center of ecology that Shelford (1929, p. 2) makes the statement that ecology is the science of animal communi- ties. A single Asellus moving upstream in a small brook has an ecology of its own, even though it is not at the moment in direct as- sociation with any organisms other than the bacteria and other nannoplankton of the water or those minute forms residing on its own surface or acting as its parasites. We have no reason to befieve that this partic- ular isopod remembers or anticipates con- tacts with another fiving creature. It is es- sentially alone, a creature of the moment, responding to an innate urge to move up- stream against the current of water. The positive reaction is not free from environ- mental influences; it is dependent on such external relations as the amount of oxygen and of carbon dioxide present, and on the ionic content of the surrounding water. The isopod is also, without knowing it, a mem- ber of the community of the brook and so is related to the ground water that feeds the stream and, to some extent, to the bodv of water into which the brook flows. At a different level, the single, isolated isopod may well have been and may soon become again a member of an isopod aggregation with which other animals are also asso- ciated. The physical environment impinges di- rectly on the individual as it does on popu- INTRODUCTION lations or on a whole community, and it in- itiates and diiects the course of action of innumerable small-scale events. Phenomena on the largest scale may likewise depend directly on the physical environment, as ex- emplified by isostasy, the condition of equi- Ubrium in which the heavier portions of the earth's crust sink to form the ocean basins, while the lighter parts are pushed up as the continental platforms. The definition of ecology as the science of communities may be vahd in its total implications. The isopod illustration pre- sents a phase of a much larger problem. In another example, is the cell, the tissue, or the organism as a whole the unit? The cell may itself be broken into parts, and in genetics we hear much about chromosomes, chromomeres, and genes. So in ecology there may be ecological relations of parts of organisms— the nephiidial system, for exam- ple—of the whole animal, of populations, whether aggregated or dispersed, of asso- ciations and communities, and of biomes. At whatever level one begins, and whatever the point of view, one must study all pos- sible unitary levels before coming to a full understanding of the ecology of either an isolated isopod moving slowly upstream in a small brook, or of the vast biome in which the brook itself is a minor and almost neg- Ugible incident. Close interaction exists between genes and the general environment, both in devel- opment and in evolution. A gene may be helpfully regarded as a reagent in the proc- ess of development; the environment also enters intimately into the developmental processes. Aside from supplying continuity under suitable conditions, much that is pro- duced by the gene system can be dupli- cated by appropriate surroundings, either as a result of shock furnished by an environ- mental insult or from the more steady pres- sure of a steadily continuing physical or biotic induction. Such subjects are treated in some detail in any modern work on phy- siological genetics (Goldschmidt, 1938), in more specialized books such as Hogben (1933) or Newman, Freeman and Holzin- ger (1937), and even in more popular ac- counts, as in the small book by Dunn and Dobzhansky (1946). Animals do not develop without an en- vironment; contrariwise, even given opti- mum environment, organisms do not start to grow without the presence of a spore or zygote or of a group of cells from a pre- ceding organism. Both a bearer of heredity and a suitable environment are necessary for development. After much discussion, lasting from the time of Darwin, Galton, and Weismann, we can now ask fairly exact questions in this field and expect to find fairly exact answers. Some pertinent data are available at various evolutionary levels such as those of the micro-organisms, the insects, and man. The relation between heredity and environment is frequently call- ed the problem of nature versus nurture. In its present dress the discussion does not center about environment versus heredity in general, but rather concerns the functions of these two necessary components with regard to some particular characteristic, such as the color of the shanks in hens, the width of the bar in bar-eyed Drosophila, coat color in certain mammals, or intelli- gence or stature in man. Concrete examples may clarify what is meant by the ecological relations of such characters. Yellow fat in rabbits or yellow shanks in hens require a source of yellow coloring matter, such as is furnished by yel- low corn or by the xanthophyll from green foliage or other similar foodstuffs; but, for yellow to be developed, the enzyme that breaks down xanthophyll must be absent, and this lack in the hen or rabbit is asso- ciated with gene action. Absence of xantho- phyll from the food yields equally white fat or white shanks, and one cannot know whether the absence of yellow is primarily environmental or genetic, or both, without more direct knowledge of both the heredity and the feeding routine. The effect of tem- perature on the width of the bar in bar- eyed Drosophila, of heat on the production of feathers in young frizzle fowl, or of the absence of iodine in water containing frog tadpoles fed on an iodine-free diet, all dem- onstrate significant effects of the environ- ment on the development of characters that are also definitely related to the gene complex (Hogben, 1933). In man, the best assay of nature in asso- ciation with or in contrast to nurture has come from studies of identical twins reared apart compared with those of others reared together, and further compared with similar qualities in fraternal twins. Identical twins have an identical gene pattern, fraternal twins do not. A good study of this kind is that of Newman, Freeman, and Holzinger INTRODUCTION (1937), which shows that "physical char- acters are least affected by the environment, that intelligence is affected more; educa- tional achievement still more; and person- ality or temperament, if our tests are to be rehed upon, the most." Reasons for the slow development of ecology can be foimd in the general state of nonecological science, in the relative ina- bihty of ecologists to work with intellectual and physical tools of precision, and espe- cially in the scope and iimate complexity of the subject. There are few good reasons other than the convenience ot authors and readers for not treating ecology as a whole. Plant ecol- ogists can make a strong case for focussing on plant relations and largely neglecting animal hfe, since the plants are primary producers and play a highly important role in providing shelter for many types of ani- mals. Even so, the neglect of animal activities omits or minimizes such phenom- ena as grazing and browsing, working of the soil, seed scattering, and the pollination of many important flowering plants. Stu- dents of animal ecology must give due attention to plants if for no other reason than that animals Uve in an environment largely conditioned and controlled by the plant matrix. Acknowledging the failure of the present work to develop a unified ecol- ogy, we fully recognize the need for a future work on the Principles of Ecology which will make the logical synthesis of the two fields. Plant ecology presents two aspects, vege- tational and floristic. Animal ecology largely lacks the vegetational phase so far as land animals are concerned. It is true that forest animals differ in general appearance from those of grasslands, but the differences in body proportions by no means approach the contrast in growth forms between grasses and trees. The general aspect of aquatic animals stands in marked contrast with that of land forms, and various convergences exist among both series that approach what we understand when a vegetational type is mentioned. Thus the fishhke form of whales, seals, walruses, fossil sea reptiles, tadpoles, certain larvae of lower chordates, and of the whole galaxy of fishes stands in distinct contrast wdth typical terrestrial structures. The sessile animals of coral reefs and oyster banks approach the terrestrial vegetational concept even more closely. Contrary to first impression, the fact that animal ecology is based primarily on faunistic considerations tends to simplify its study, since the student of animal relations is not so much tempted to pursue the super- ficial types of inspection that make the carwindow approach one of the charms and also one of the pitfalls of plant ecology. The apphcation of even a well-formu- lated generahzation to a given situation may require further research. Thus in the control of mosquito-borne diseases of man, the mosquitoes that transmit epidemic yellow fever behave according to rule. A trained executive can sit at his desk in New York, after he has fully learned the principles in- volved, and give directions which, if faith- fully carried out, will lead to the control of the disease. It is not so with the anophehne mosquitoes that carry malarial parasites. Each type of malarial vector is a special case, and, without further knowledge, the general principles may seem inappHcable to the given situation. In the southeastern United States, malaria is transmitted by a marsh-dwelUng mosquito characteristic of sluggish water; in Italy, by a form that lives in the cold running water of the uplands; in Puerto Rico, by a brackish-water mos- quito. Under such varied conditions the needed local detail is of equal value with knowledge of the underlying general prin- ciples. An example of the benefits to be derived from an approach to ecology through gen- eral principles is given in the summarizing paragraph of ocean cinrrents by Sverdrup, Johnson, and Fleming (1942, p. 399), who conclude: "From this brief summary it is evident that it is virtually impossible to obtain knowledge of the ocean currents on an entirely empirical basis. If this were to be accomplished, it would be necessary to conduct measurements from an- chored vessels at numerous localities for long periods and at many depths." A word is in order about "principles." We do not wash, nor are we competent, to en- ter into a philosophical evaluation and definition of "laws," "concepts," and "prin- ciples." Ecology proceeds, as does any empirical science, (1) by the collection of relevant facts; (2) by the arrangement of these facts into ordered series according to their relations and patterns; and (3) by the development of higher-category knowledge INTRODUCTION or principles that synthesize and correlate the material at hand. Thus the "principles" we shall attempt to formulate and interre- late are simply those generalizations in- ductively derived from the data of ecol- ogy. We regard the so-called "laws of nature" as empirical, derived from the facts, and not the facts from the laws. In this view, a principle is a means of description of nature in succinct and compressed form. This is true in the relatively well-organized physical sciences, in which the principles frequently can be reduced by mathemati- cal statement to the extreme of simplifica- tion. In the vastly more complex biological sciences, mathematical formulation of gen- eralizations is more diflBcult, and possible only in limited segments of the complex. The process of inductive generalization is useful at every stage. The principles de- rived from the compression of a mass of data into a science form the main basis for deductive thinking and for hypotheses which ask new questions and make possible new advances, on the one hand by opening up new fields of inquiry and on the other hand by progressive correction of the older generalizations in the light of additional data. We subscribe to the general principle of scientific parsimony ("William of Occam's razor"), which may be stated as follows: "Neither more, nor more onerous, causes are to be assumed than are necessary to ac- count for the phenomena" (Pearson, 1937, p. 340). For ecology in particular, the number of entities should not be unneces- sarily increased. Furthermore, Morgan's canon (1894) concerning animal behavior is essentially a quantitative development of "Occam's razor" and an application of the law of parsimony: "In no case may we in- terpret an action as the outcome of the exercise of a higher psychical faculty, if it can be interpreted as the outcome of one which stands lower in the psychological scale." There is an understandable tendency in any synthesizing discussion to review chiefly the progress made in recent years or dec- ades. This is sound practice in many ways, but one result is that work, often excellent work, of previous decades or even centu- ries may be neglected. A false idea of rapidity of progress is thereby encouraged, and the concept of the relatively complete modernity of subject matter tends to be built up in the thinking of younger readers, although the minds of authors and editors may have been entirely free from such a misconception. We have accordingly made a serious eflfort throughout this book to sup- ply historical perspective and regard the history of ecology and of its antecedent sciences as an integral and significant part of our treatment. Ecological history, like that of zoology in general, can be summed up briefly as fol- lows: In the Greek period— either because such was the case, or because Aristotle did not cite sources— it was the apparent rule to study nature directly and to think over the implications of observations made at first hand. During the long scholastic period in the Middle Ages, the influence of which unhappily lingers on here and there, the fashion changed to a study of books, or at least a part of those available. The spirit of the scientific awakening was at length sum- marized by the dictum of Louis Agassiz: "Study nature, not books."* Too often this became perverted, by practice rather than by precept, to the study of preserved speci- mens, and some books. A gradual change occurred until in the early decades of the present century the tacit advice became: Study living and preserved organisms in the laboratory together with the pertinent books. One constant effort of the modern ecolog- ical movement has been to take the study of nature again out under the sky. This could not entirely succeed, in part because of the difficulties in doing accurate analyti- cal work in the field. A partial compromise is attained by our turning to the greenhouse and breeding cage, where experimentally- minded ecologists have been met by workers moving out of orthodox labora- tories into these substitutes for field condi- tions. Some ecoloeists have remained stub- bomlv in the field, where they are being ioined by a trickle of the more orthodox indoor students. Laboratory and field ecol- ogy are interdependent, and both are essential. At the same time, the check of knowledge gained directly against printed accoimts, both as to empirical content and • An amusing and even paradoxical com- mentary on this famous aphorism may he derived from the fact that Agassiz prepared the first comprehensive bibliography of zoology— the four volume Bihliosraphia Zooloziae, pub- lished by the Ray Society (1848-1854). 6 INTRODUCTION philosophical implications, is being given more balanced consideration. The reahty and usefulness of the popu- lation as an ecological unit were apparent to us when we outlined the present book, and our subsequent work has reinforced our conviction of the importance of the prin- ciples that center on the population. We view the population system, whether intra- species or interspecies, as a biological entity of fundamental importance. This entity can be studied with some measure of precision, and the emergent principles are significant throughout the field of ecology. The popu- lation is forged by strong bonds with autecology through the physiology and be- havior of individuals; communities are composed of recognizable population ele- ments; and evolutionary ecology depends directly upon population systems, since selection acts upon populations that evolve and become adapted to their environments, to a more important degree than upon in- dividuals. The study of populations as such, as operational systems, yields principles that clarify the nature of group interactions, interactions that do not exist at the level of the single organism, and that are too complex at the community level to be analyzed in a quantitative way. The major relations of animals center around nourishment, reproduction and pro- tection. The reaction to these needs may be summarized by the concept of a "drive" to- wards favorable ecological position. This usually implies a drive for security of one kind or another, or of all kinds. The par- tially mystical idea of a "drive" hides the nonmvstical one of the survival values fur- nished by the attainment of nourishment, protection and sufficient reproduction, or even by the attempt to secure them. The situation can be clarified somewhat by attending to only one of the three fun- damental needs— protection, for example. The given animal, or population, may orient and move actively toward protected places as a generalized reaction that may become much more marked in times of particular stress. Or the individual or population may wander about, apparently at random, and come to rest tmder favorable conditions. Animals may invade a more stable physical environment such as that furnished by a pond or a forest, or in winter there may be a movement down to the forest floor or an active invasion of its superficial carpet of leaves and of the soil beneath them. Secu- rity may be gained by attaining control of a portion of the environment through the slow processes of ecological succession leading toward the estabhshment of an ecological climax or through the more active animals moving into natural safe niches or building their own shelters. A third mode of progress toward ecological security, or more assured ecological posi- tion, is found in societal evolution. These are all aspects of the tendency toward eco- logical homeostasis, and this sort of homeo- stasy is one of the major inclusive principles of ecology and, with a diflFerent emphasis, of physiology as well. The tendency towards homeostasy ex- tends through the diverse phases of ecology, whether the subdivisions are based on habi- tat differences such as those characteristic of oceanography, of limnology, or of the land, or of the living habitats of parasites. Such tendencies are found under primarily physical relations with nonliving environ- ments and also when all the relations are primarily biotic. The physical universe is indifferent to life in general and resistant to the influence of living organisms even in slow-working long- time trends. For that matter, organisms are largely indifferent to each other. Dramatic incidents occur, and there is a strong tend- ency to record and to overemphasize these. Animals, under many conditions, and plants as well, may merely persist; it is then needful to search out the undramatic rela- tions that allow them to continue to live when little or nothing beyond mere exist- ence is involved. Often only a saving few individuals survive in a given habitat, and these may spend much of their time appar- ently doing nothing at all except remaining alive. Hibernation, aestivation, "resting" cysts, and resistant or so-called winter eggs represent periods of marked quiescence. The quiet retirement of animals capable of extreme activity is often a fundamental part of living. Hens fight and actively establish social orders based on dominance and sub- ordinance, yet they spend much more time in which no activity is evident. Chimpan- zees exhibit a strong drive for status in a social group, and yet they too pass only a small percentage of their time in active so- cial tension. Outdoor nature is a place where there is much inactivity. Even in the teeming tropics an observer frequently has INTRODUCTION nothing to do except wait and watch. In fact, patience is one of the prime prere- quisites for natnrabstic study of undisturbed wild life, even when attention is limited to selected birds or mammals. The essential impatience of observers is one of the dom- inant reasons for the growth of experimen- tation in ecology; but great patience is required for any adequate long-term pro- gram of experimentation, the ramifications of which may seem endless. Such considerations lead naturally to thinking about the interrelations between ecology and animal behavior, since the active behavior of animals both in field and laboratory may be striking, and behavior studies can yield important indications of current environmental effects. This does not imply that all studies of animal behavior as developed at present are directly or even indirectly ecological (except in a quite re- mote sense). Students of behavior are much concerned with psychological problems, which in turn may lead into physiology and into philosophy rather than into ecology proper. Many of the ecological phases of animal behavior cluster about the central problems of distribution, being concerned with the closely related matter of so-called habitat selection or, objectively expressed, of modal- ity. Gradients of important environmental factors exist in nature both on small and on large or even gigantic scales. Gradients of concentration of oxygen, carbon dioxide, and other chemicals, including food, heat, moisture, Hght and pressure, to mention no more, give stimuli to which animals react. The responses may be fairly direct and ori- ented, amounting at times to forced move- ments, or there may be random reactions of the trial-and-error variety. The results may either be apparent immediately or they may be deferred for days, weeks, seasons, years, centuries or millenia; or finally they may be discoverable only in the vast per- spective of geological time. Migrations such as those of birds and butterflies are fre- quently large-scale spectacles; in contrast, important emigrations may be inconspic- uous events, the effects of which have not become fully apparent during recorded history. Emigrations may have evolutionary as well as contemporaneous importance. These time scales sometimes blend, as they do in illustrations of what is known as the host-selection principle (p. 615). In theory, it is only a short step from the host selection shown by wood-boring beetle larvae that tend to live in and feed upon a particular species of tree, to the more crystallized be- havior shown by solitary wasps that catch, sting, and oviposit on a particular kind of caterpillar, grasshopper or spider. (The im- phed evolution can be explained by modern assumptions centering about natural selec- tion.) This brings up also the problem of search for the right animal to be captured, stung and parasitized, in which the innate behavior patterns, commonly and somewhat roughly called instincts, have real and far-reacliing ecological implications. (The interested reader is referred to Tinbergen, 1942, for a behavioristic approach to the subject. ) Some behavior patterns of higher verte- brates appear to resemble innate, instinctive behavior, and yet have been demonstrated for certain birds to result from a specialized type of early learning, called "imprinting" by Lorenz (1935). Imprinting results when a young animal at an impressionistic age, when the learning threshold is low, is ex- posed to a meaningful stimulus or to some suitable substitute. Normally at such times the stimulus that becomes imprinted, so to speak, initiates persisting behavior that may dominate the animal's activities for the rest of its life. A common example concerns the following of an adult of the species, often the female parent. This behavior results from a few contacts, or even from a single contact at the proper age. In the absence of the parent, the tendency to follow a given individual may be imprinted by exposure to some other animal at the crucial time, with amusing and incongruous results. The tend- ency is important in the normal building of family or flock integration; the interest- ing psychological mechanisms and implica- tions lead beyond our scope. Other types of integrations with the bio- logical or physical environment are also ap- parent, as are many fundamental questions. How does an animal find and settle in a given habitat? How much so-called search is involved? Is there an element of active preferential choice, or, more simply, is there a reaction to the relative absence of dis- turbing stimuli? To what extent is the behavior innate, and how much is reestab- lished each generation? This leads to curi- osity concerning the possible presence of 8 INTRODUCTION tradition among nonhuman animals. How much learning, if any, is involved? To what extent, if at all, are animals conscious of their actions or surroundings? These are troublesome questions con- cerning which it is difficult to collect exact and pertinent information, whether from existing literature, directly from outdoor nature, or by means of planned experi- ments. Elton (1933) recognized the exist- ence of such problems and suggested some conclusions that depart from current trends of thought in scientific circles. Apparently speaking primarily of birds and mammals, he says (p. 46) : "Changes in habitat are frequent, and we do not yet know precisely what relative im- portance to attach to psychological factors (new ideas, or broken traditions or accumula- tive fatigue with old habits) and how much to organic changes in the form of mutations af- fecting behaviour. Finally it is of great interest to inquire whether animals are actually con- scious of their actions, and whether in this consciousness there is any element which is at variance with the usual concepts of animal be- haviour current among physiologists and also many ecologists. There is definite evidence that animals often migrate in response to stimuli which cannot be called danger signals but which appear to be unpleasant to them (Elton, 1930). Whether in this behaviour we can dis- cern feelings akin to aesthetic feelings or whether they are to be looked upon as me- chanical aspects of mental balance, cannot be decided. The whole question of animal be- haviour in relation to the choice of habitats and habits in general is of profound importance both in theoretical science and in practical economic biology." These are matters that we cannot yet solve, but it is important that we should not continue to ignore their existence. A major difficulty lies in the absence of an objective terminology. The use of vaguely defined terms is associated with the un- critical humanizing tendencies of many naturahsts, who in turn give strong avoid- ing reactions to the carefully objective and perhaps overcorrected point of view of critical modem students. Recognition of community of interests be- tween the general and comparative phases of psychology and of ecology calls for com- mendation of the modem tendency toward objective terminology in both subjects, as well as in general biology and other phases of science. General anthropomorphic con- cepts and language are to be avoided, ad- mitting that other considerations such as clarity and brevity or entrenched usage may sometimes require exception. It is unfortu- nate to have to use a Greek or Latin root meaning "loving," for example, to denote an ecological relation, when the EngUsh forai would be objectionable or ridiculous. This is a language ideal that is frequently diffi- cult to apply even with conscious and conscientious eJBEort. There is a severe strain when one is convinced (a) that the Carte- sian doctrine is essentially unsound, (b^ that scientific writing should be simple, clear, and direct, and (c) that even the words used should not carry partially hid- den suggestions unsupported by direct evidence. A binding principle in ecology, as in many other phases of biology, deals wdth the integration of individual units into larger wholes. Cells of more complex ani- mals combine into tissues, organs, and sys- tems, and yet all this complexity develops from a single cell. Even at the cell level, certain cells living in close association with each other— as in lichens, for example— may not be germinally related. All ecological communities lack the germinal continuity characteristic of populations of single spe- cies and particularly characteristic of co- lonial animals like sponges or many hy- droids, or the typical societal colonies of social bees, wasps, or ants. Interspecific populations also obviously lack germinal continuity. Their evolution is traced to a combination of ecology and genetics that will be outlined in the section on Evolution. The relationships between these ecologi- cal categories may be traced either by the type method or by the principles treatment attempted in the present book. Neither ap- proach is automatically preferable. The cataloguing of one category after another gives a readily indexed treatment that orders the details in a workable manner, but may conceal the underlying principles. The approach through principles may con- fuse the issue so far as facts are concerned and may be unsatisfactory for those inter- ested primarily in a catalog of existing data. The type treatment deals directly with the ecology of the oceans, one after another, of bays and gulfs, of the fresh water, and of the land. The principles treatment draws evidence now from one and now from an- other type of habitat, and then passes on INTRODUCTION to repeat the process with another principle. The two approaches continually tend to become mixed when the documentation of principles is given in any detail. Recogni- tion of the existence of a physical environ- ment as contrasted with a biotic environ- ment illustrates the principles approach; even when the physical environment is broken down into component parts, the treatment continues to present principles, when, within the subdivisions such as tem- perature, light, and moisture, the discussion centers about principles such as the tem- perature "laws," Bergmann's rule, and Corioli's force. A fresh definition of the community con- cept is offered in the present work: In large, the major community may be defined as a natural assemblage of organisms which, together with its habitat, has reached a survival level such that it is relatively independent of adjacent assemblages of equal rank; to this extent, given radiant energy, it is self-sustaining. This definition places special restrictions on a term that has often been a useful catch-all, correctly applicable to any ecological assemblage ranging from the in- habitants of a small clod of earth to the animals and plants living in the northern evergreen forests of the world. Under the older usage, "communitv" might refer to a simple ecological unit illustrated bv a thin mat of floating algae as well as to the com- plicated, multistoried tropical rain-forest (J. R. Carpenter, 1938). A practical solu- tion seems to be to recognize the usage of the term "community" both in the restricted sense indicated by our definition, and in the extended loose sense. It will occasionally be necessary, under the conditions, to add or to imply "s.s." or "s.lat.," "in a strict sense" or "in a broad sense." We have wished to avoid further implementation of the facetious definition of ecology as being that phase of biology primarily abandoned to terminology. There are two fundamental approaches to ecological communities that are best pre- sented by considering the two extremes. As biocoenoses, they may be organized primarily by the interrelations of the plants "nd animals as associates; in contrast, the basic organization may rest on the com- mon habitat in which the constittient or- ganisms serve primarily as indicators and secondarily as associated individuals. Both types of communities exist in fairly pure form, and there are closely graded intercon- nections. The biota of the desert presents many aspects of a community controlled by its physical habitat, and the oyster bed is a classical example of a biotically con- trolled biocoenosis. Both types present many different orders of complexity and size; one of the larger of these, the biome, requires further mention. The biome, represented by the northern coniferous forest in North America, includes three major plant associations: viz., the spruce-pine forest of Alaska and northwest- em Canada; the spruce-balsam fir forest of northern Canada from the Mackenzie River through Labrador and southward; and the pine-hemlock forest of southeastern Canada, the region around Lake Superior, and northern Michigan. The climax dominants of the last two associations are radically different, but they resemble each other closely in having a large number of identical animal constituents that charac- teristically range through both. Shelford and Olsen (1935, p. 395) list the common animals of the coniferous for- est biome, pointing out that they range through the three maior plant associations without conspicuous change. Their analysis shows the importance of the animals in definincr biotic units and the weaknesses inherent in biome concepts based solely on data concerning plants. The vegetation is not the sole key to the biome. Furthermore, the pine-hemlock community has a clear unity with the transcontinental spruce-bal- sam fir forest and even with the Alaskan spruce-pine association. This unity is based on subclimax stages and on animal con- stituents some of which may be relatively unimportant ecologically. The universality of the biome concept meets a severe test in the ^eoejraphic frag- mentation of the major biotic formations. New Guinea and northern Australia, for example, tend to be separated by plant geographers into two areas (Scrivenor et al., 1943). Contrariwise, most students of animal distribution unite the two into a common major zooijeogranhic region. The concept of the biome, like manv other ecological generalizations, must be accepted with proper reservations and adjusted to the historical prolilems involved. Ecological formations are not static. Given time, the advance and retreat of 10 INTRODUCTION glaciers aflFects the location of the tundra. Grasslands expand and contract on a vast geographic scale; deserts wax and wane. Bodies of water, including whole oceans, overflow their basins; in another geological age, the land masses stand high out of water. These changes follow certain more or less irregular periodicities that have a geological time scale. Shorter temporal progressions also occur. Given sufficient freedom from man's interference, striking vegetational changes may occur within the life of a single human generation. Burnt- over areas "heal," and, given longer time, serai successions advance from pioneer through intermediate stages to the climax characteristic for the given climate. A com- munity in this temporal series undergoes development and maturation before the succeeding one replaces it. The processes of biotic development in combination with those of physiographic succession are refer- red to as "Community Ontogeny." "Com- munity Phylogeny" involves the whole range of continuing adaptational change of the components of the community. Com- munity evolution, in a broad sense, has been made to include several meanings: 1. The development of the climax through successive biotic changes and stages— a process comparable to the devel- opment of the individual. 2. The organic development of the cli- max when there is a series of underlying and correlated physiographic changes, suc- cession in the strict sense. 3. The convergence of community life- forms, which is implied, so far as plants are concerned, by speaking of the evolu- tion of vegetation as contrasted with the evolution of the species composition of the community flora. The animal constituents show the same kind of interrelations in structures and in physiological adjustments, and the whole biota can be similarly con- sidered. 4. The community evolves also as a re- sult of converging immigration. Thus in the Chicago area we have elements that have come from both southeastern and south- western centers of dispersal, immigrants from the more northern grasslands and from the northern forests, relicts from the glacial age, and regional endemics. The combination of this third sort of commu- nity evolution with the convergencies al- lows us to think of the evolution of the bio- sociological climax community as a whole without giving particular consideration to the evolution of the constituent species. From this point of view the evolution of forest or grassland, or other communities, focusses on their evolution as biotic com- plexes. Mesozoic and modern forests, for example, have biotic equivalence, regard- less of the great differences in the species and higher groups of both plants and animals. 5. Such considerations lead to another aspect of community evolution, namely, "The phylogeny of the definitive grouping of species within the community." The sub- ject is too complex for thorough treatment, and of necessity we have been essentially limited to tracing the evolution of pairs of ecologically related species, or at most to small groups of species that have appar- ently evolved under close mutual relation- ships. This has the advantage of forcing us to test fundamental interrelations that stand near the simplest level of community organ- ization, and it emphasizes our lack of knowledge of more complicated ecological phylogenies. Reconstruction of the cause of evolution of the biosociological whole requires con- sideration and integration of all these aspects. We recognize and can outline the problem without being able to advance far toward its solution. In community relations it is important to consider the fundamental relations of protocooperation, disoperation, and, as a somewhat different category, competition. These are matters difficult to discuss with clarity. In part the difficulty lies in the need to consider both short-run operational aspects and long-run evolutionary phases. Aside from such complications, and from the innate complexities, there is the lack of sufficient exact and carefully documented information with which one may test and modify, and reject or strengthen, tentative conclusions. The competition among plants for space and light and for nutrients is obvious under many conditions. Such competition is one of the important relationships that find ex- pression in the evolution of life forms with resultant layering. There is also competition for pollination when, or if, potential pol- linators are scarce, and for effective mu- tualism, if one of the mutualistic pair lacks local abundance. Competition is INTRODUCTION 11 avoided, at least in part, by tlie evolution of space and of time separations, or by some combination of these. Important as compe- tition may be, it can readily be overstressed; Clements and Shelford (1939, p. 166) help to correct this tendency when they state that "It is desirable to stress again the fact that competition comprises a relatively small number of tlie countless coactions among animals." So far as predation is con- cerned, tliis conclusion is supported down to the species level— or to different races within the species— by the generalization of Volterra (1931), elaborated by Cause (1935) and illustrated by Lack (1946), showing that competition is lessened until it may become relatively unimportant as a result of differences in habitats and habits of predators even when they otherwise show much similarity. Such a qualification does not aflFect conclusions concerning competition between individuals of the same subspecies unless these, too, come to develop some slight dissimilarity in individ- ual habits. With all these reservations, competition is a potent factor in animal life, and its re- sults are not always disoperative. In fact, there is evidence for what may be called the biological necessity of predacious types that eliminate surplus populations by killing oJSF weaker animals, especially when these occupy marginal habitats filled beyond their year-round carrying capacity. The basic cooperative relations, particu- larly the more obscure protocooperations, or biological facilitations, often are difiicult to demonstrate conclusively under labora- tory conditions even when using selected situations and favorable organisms. They become still more elusive in the field, especially at the community level, and par- ticularly for students well grounded in skepticism. Some of the more apparent protocooperations under these conditions include: 1. The role of bacteria in the formation of soil and in its yearly renewal of fertility. 2. The similar role of bacteria in the mineral nutrient cycles of the sea and of fresh-water communities. 3. The full range of subtle interactions between soil organisms and the soil. 4. The mass effects of organisms on the toxicity of media. 5. The "rain" of dead organisms from the surface of the ocean that permits the development of life in the great fightless depths of the sea. 6. The protocooperations inherent in the definition of a dominant organism in the community as one that receives the full im- pact of environment and so modifies it that associated species can five in areas they could not otherwise invade. The efiects produced by plants and ani- mals on their physical, chemical, and biotic environment that prepare the way for con- tinuing the community development show both disoperative and protocooperative as- pects. The disoperation concerns those present occupants of the habitat whose activities are making their own continuance impossible in that particular place. The protocooperations come in the preparation of conditions that will permit the whole series to move on towards the chmax. In the community, as well as in its com- ponent biocoenoses or smaller fragments, the forces making for ecological facilitation are, in the long run, generally somewhat stronger and more widespread than those tending towards disoperation. In our ambitious attempt to set forth ecological principles, it is fitting to empha- size the unknown elements remaining in the field. The very existence of some of these is just beginning to gain recognition. Others, at the present time, can be outlined in qualitative terms only; still others, doubt- less, are as yet wholly unknown. Some few relations can be given fairly exact mathe- matical treatment. There is much room for pure humility among ecologists who are trying to cope with these loosely foiTnulated relationships, most of which cannot be ex- pressed in exact quantitative formulations. The relations of individuals to tempera- ture, light, and gravity, and to other environmental factors, can often be stated with approximate precision. Population ecology is quantitative with respect to description, at least under certain controlled laboratory conditions, but even students of this phase of the subject edge away from prediction except on the basis of statistical probability based on accumulated data. For some students this situation produces an avoiding reaction; for many it constitutes a challenge; for others of us, less well- equipped for quantitative studies, it has a strong primary attraction. We enjoy work- ing under the necessity of making needed reservations and keeping in mind the many 12 INTRODUCTION and varied qualifications that should pre- vent us from making dogmatic generaliza- tions. The inadequacy of the framework of ecological principles presented in the fol- lowing chapters is evident; supplementa- tion and correction are urgent needs for the advancement of ecology. But it is also important to point out that it is often im- possible to find exact and well-chosen data concerning a given point. The minimum temperature at which death occurs imme- diately for any population of a species of animals is a good illustration. For that mat- ter, the limits of toleration for all elements in the physical environment except in gen- eral terms are unknown for any one species of animal, even for man. With all our em- phasis on the need of ecological principles, it must be emphasized again that in the formulation of principles, as in testing and extending them, evidence is basic. SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY 2. ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 Carnap (1938) recognized "physics" as a common name for the nonbiological field of science and stated that "the whole of the rest of science may be called biology (in the large sense)." He immediately saw the necessity of dividing this wider biology into two fields, the first of which contains "most of what is usually called biology, namely, general biology, botany, and the greater part of zoology." The second part "deals with the behavior of individual organisms and groups of organisms \vithin the en- vironment; with the dispositions to such behavior, with such features of processes in organisms as are relevant to the behavior, and with certain features of the environ- ment which are characteristic of and relevant to the behavior, e.g., objects ob- served and work done by organisms." Carnap proceeds to discuss the distinc- tions between the two phases of biology primarily from the point of view of human relations and suggests, among other things, that the second phase might be made up by "selecting the processes in an organism from the point of view of their relevance to achievements in the environment . . . ." He continues by saying that "there is no name in common use for this second field. . . . The term 'behavioristics' has been proposed. If it is used, it must be made clear that the word 'behavior' has here a greater extension than it had with the ear- lier behaviorists. Here it is intended to designate not only the overt behavior which can be assayed from outside but also inter- nal behavior (i.e., processes within the organism); further, dispositions to behavior which may not be manifested in a special case; and finally, certain effects upon the environment." Carnap distinguishes between such rela- tions of individual organisms and groups of organisms and adds that "it seems doubt- 13 ful whether any shaip fine can be drawn between these two parts." He also states that such considerations extend to non- human animals as well as to men. Thus, late in the 1930's, a philosopher of high attainments compounded logical neces- sity with ignorance of the history and pres- ent development of biological ideas, and announced as new the discovery of the field of "bionomics," "ethology," "ecology," or "relations physiology." This happened at the University of Chicago, where research and teaching concerning the relations be- tween organisms and their environments had been an active feature of the biological program since the late 1890's. The iong, respectable history of this phase of biology forms the subject matter of the present sec- tion. Camap's statement is a valuable introduction to this history, since it demon- strates anew that ecology fills a natural niche in biological science. It also gives warning of the lack of general knowledge among scholars as to the mass of informa- tion in this field. Near the turn of the present century, W. K. Brooks, founder of the great Johns Hopkins tradition in biology, expressed much the same need for an understanding of the environmental relations of organisms as that given by Carnap. He stated: "To study life we must consider three things: first, the orderly sequence of externa] nature; second, the living organism and the changes which take place in it; and third, that continuous adjustment between the two sets of phenomena which con- stitutes life. The physical sciences deal with the external world, and in the lab- oratory we study the structure and activities of organisms by very similar methods; but if we stop there, neglecting the relation of the living being to its en- vironment, our study is not biology or the 14 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY science of life." The idea was already old when Brooks expressed it. Now, having placed two shots on this side of our target, we may try a much longer range and come up on the historical development of the basic ideas of ecology in conventional fashion. The first half of this historical section will deal with the beginnings of ecology up to about 1900 and will be followed by a survey of the rapid growth of the subject during the present century. While the word "ecology" was put to- gether from Greek roots and is based on oikos, which means home, the Greeks did not have a word for it, and it is problemat- ical to what extent they appreciated the basic ideas and relationships that the word now summarizes. In this respect, ecology does not diflFer essentially from many other phases of modern biology. The Greeks did observe the home life of animals after the relatively unorganized methods of what is still called natural history, and they were aware of the necessity for interrelations be- tween living things and their environment. Empedocles, about the middle of the fifth century B.C., said that plants procure nourishment through pores in stem and leaves; he obviously realized that plants have relations with their environment. Pre-Aristotelian Greeks had developed a considerable stock of information about some of the environmental influences in relation to human health. Hippocrates, so- called father of medicine, emphasized such matters. Among the extant writings that Adams (1849) considers genuine works of Hippocrates, that "On Airs, Waters and Places" is strongly environmental in its medical emphasis. There is a recognition of the influence of location, exposure, and sea- son upon health, but Hippocrates also knew that in order to estimate the effect of a given season, the nature of the preceding seasons must also be considered. The first paragraph of this essay gives his approach to medicine: "Whoever wishes to investigate medicine properly, should proceed thus: in the first place to consider the seasons of the year, and what effects each of them produces (for they are not at all alike, but differ much from themselves in regard to their changes). Then the winds, the hot and the cold, especially such as are common to all countries, and then such as are peculiar to each locality. We must also consider the qualities of the waters, for as they differ from one another in taste and weight, so also do they differ much in their qualities. In the same manner, when one comes into a city to which he is a stranger, he ought to con- sider its situation, how it lies as to the winds and the rising of the sun; for its influence is not the same whether it lies to the north or the south, to the rising or to the setting sun. These things one ought to consider most atten- tively, and concerning tlie waters which the inhabitants use, whether they be marshy and soft, or hard, and running from elevated and rocky situations, and then if saltish and unfit for cooking; and the ground, whether it be naked and deficient in water, or wooded and well watered, and whether it lies in a hollow, confined situation, or is elevated and cold; and the mode in which the inhabitants live, and what are their pursuits, whether they are fond of drinking and eating to excess, and given to indolence, or are fond of exercise and labour, and not given to excess in eating and drinking." The applications that follow are not us- ually impressive in the light of present day knowledge, but the point of view is mod- ern. These early teachings are important in the history of ecology since they give some inkling of the state of Greek thought before Aristotle's activities began. Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) is usually re- garded as the founder of biological science. Ramaley (1940) suggested that Aristotle "hardlv takes a place in ecology, although he did studv the habits of animals to some extent." This calls for a look at Aristotle's writings.* The material given in Section 1 of Book 1 may be outlined in part as fol- lows: Animals differ in modes of subsistence. Aristotle says, in actions, in habits, and in their parts. They include: T. Water animals 1. Entirely aquatic 2. Animals that live and feed in water, but breathe air and bring forth their young on land. 3. Sea dwellers 4. River dwellers 5. Lake dwellers 6. Marsh dwellers Elsewhere Aristotle definitelv recognized amphibious animals. * D'Arcy Thompson's 1910 translation of Historia Animalium. ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 15 U. Land animals, which may, however, in- vade water Water-"inhaling" animals do not derive sub- sistence from the land. Some of them live in water and then change shape and hve on land. Stationary animals hve only in water, where they may be (a) attached or sessile; (b) unattached but motionless. Means of locomotion of animals: swimming, walking, flying, wriggling, creeping. No creature is able to move solely by flying as fish move by swimming. Flocks of birds differ in power. Some birds are present at all times; others are seasonal. Some are gregarious; others are solitary. Some gregarious animals are social. Some birds are gregarious, but none with crooked talons have that habit. Many fish are gregarious. Social animals have a common object in view. Some social animals have a ruler; some do not. Animals may have a fixed home or be nomadic. Diets differ: they may be (c) carnivorous, (b) graminivorous, (c) omnivorous, or (d) special, e.g., honey. Some animals have dwellings; some do not. Some are nocturnal, others diurnal. Some are tame, some wild; some wild ani- mals are easily tamed, e.g., the elephant. Domesticated animals all have wild relatives. Some emit sounds; others are mute. All animals without exception exercise their power of singing or chattering chiefly in connection with intercourse of the sexes. Some five in fields; others on mountains; some frequent abodes of men. Some are salacious, e.g., the cock; others are inclined to chastity. Some marine animals hve in open sea, some near shore, some on rocks. Animals differ in character: (a) Good-natured, sluggish (b) Quick-tempered, ferocious (c) Intelhgent, timid (d) Mean, treacherous (e) Noble, courageous (/) Thoroughbred, vdld, treacherous (g) Crafty, mischievous (h) Spirited, affectionate, fawning ( i ) Easy-tempered (/■) Jealous, self-conceited Many animals have memory. Aristotle's observations on the breeding behavior of animals are scattered through his writings on zoology, which, in general, are not so well organized as might appear from the foregoing outlme. They are not yet ecology. They do constitute good nat- ural history, for the first major attempt, and they represent a part of the stuti from which ecology has developed. It may be remembered that natural history contains elements of other phases of biology, of anatomy and taxonomy, for example, as well as much of ecological importance. i^amaley (1940) regards Theophrastus as the first ecologist in history. Theophrastus was a student and friend of Aristotle's and succeeded him as leader of the Athen- ian Lyceum. Ramaley says that Theophras- tus wrote sensibly of the communities in which plants are associated, of the relations of plants to each other and to their nonhv- ing environment. According to Greene (1909, p. 125), Theophrastus definitely forecast the natural associations of plants in particular places. He distinguished (1) marine aquatics, (2) marine httoral plants, (3) plants of deep fresh water, (4) those of shallow lake shores, (5) plants of wet banks of streams, and (6) of marshes. He wrote of trees that grow on exposed, sunny mountain slopes, of those that flourish only on northern exposures, and also of those limited to the more frigid summits. As has been shown, Aristotle gave a somewhat similar classification of animals in relation to their habitats. In fact, Zeller (1931, p. 202) states that the extant writ- ings of Theophrastus on plants follow Aristotle in their leading ideas. Theophras- tus did found plant systematics, wrote on plant geography, and developed a sort of plant physiology. He also knew enough about color changes in animals to show that he had some grasp of the color adap- tation of animals to their environment. Even the best of the Greeks did not have all their facts straight and showed tenden- cies toward accepting travelers' tales un- critically, which some modems have at last outgrown. They used anthropomorphisms with plants and animals ahke about on a level with those found in "nature study" today. Aristotle, great as he was, appar- ently was no greater genius than are our best modern thinkers, and perhaps not less great, either. It may be added that Aristotle was probably no stronger in sheer mental abihty than the best of the ancients who lived 2500 years before him, though there were more facts accumulated by his time with which he could deal. We judge a man or a group of men historically by the end product they leave behind, and a good 16 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY lasting end product, even in afiFairs of the intellect, does not necessarily trace back to the work of one brilliant man. Certain rule-of-thumb ecological knowl- edge was evidently widespread among the Hebrews of 2000 years ago, though they were not notably a scientific people. The "parable of the sower," for example, shows that the relation between habitat and yield was well understood, though not in these words. The Romans used widely distributed folk knowledge in creating the science of agri- culture. In their hands, this grew primarily from hunting and fishing, enriched by early experience with plant and animal hus- bandry. Roman agriculture was fertilized by the writings of the Greeks and put into practice with their own common sense. It was based on empirical ecological observa- tions and was frankly economic in outlook. Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79), one of the best of the Roman writers of the period, owes his reputation to his Natural History, which was the starting point of modern faunal study. Pliny's account tends to be a confused jumble of compiled notes without logical organization. Nordenskiold (p. 53) defends Pliny against overharsh critics who accuse him of being a soulless compiler, be- cause, "more honest than Aristotle, he quotes his sources." Like Aristotle, Phny used an ecological system of classification. Among his categories we find the recogni- tion of terrestrial, aquatic, and flying animals. Ramaley (1940) also recognizes the good in Pliny's work. He quotes with approval the following: "A soil that is adorned by tall and graceful trees is not always a favorable one except of course for those trees. What tree is taller than the fir? Yet what other plant could exist in the same spot? Nor are verdant pastures so many proofs of richness of soil. What is there that enjoys greater renown than the pastures of Germany? But they are a mere thin layer of earth with sand underneath." Here we have a suggestion, not only of plant indica- tors, but also of some of the pitfalls in their use. After the Roman spark of interest there were few signs of activity in what we now call ecology. The foundation sciences of geography and climatology were unde- veloped. Even chemistry and physics could not yet lay the groundwork for physiology. so that ecology had to wait. For a thou- sand years there was stagnation. When Greek writings again became popular, they were all too slavishly accepted as ultimate authority. The Greek spirit of inquiiy was redis- covered in the Renaissance. AJbertus Mag- nus (1193±-1280) wrote, like Theophras- tus, of plants of streamsides and marshes and of the relation between the habitat of a tree and the quaUty of its wood. While there were some signs of scholarly growth from within Europe, yet the development of ecology, as of other phases of biology, stood still or even regressed until the geo- graphic experiences of Marco Polo and of the Portuguese and the catalyzing discovery of America forced biologists to turn from authority to the study of the thing itself. The interest in new animals and plants, their habits, and their possible usefulness, thus helped to bring on the reawakening of science, especially as regards the fore- runners of ecology. The writings of Gesner (1516-1565) and Aldrovandi (1522-1605) mark the begin- ning of this movement, which was forced by the accumulation of greater knowledge of local and exotic animals. Greene (1909) writes with high appreciation of the Ger- man herbahst, Cordus, who lived briefly about this time (1515-1544). Concerning the bearing of his work on ecology, Greene says (p. 310) : "We have already been learning that even from most primitive times every botanist was an ecologist; at least to the extent of observing and record- ing the special environment which every kind of wild plant ajffects, and sometimes to the mentioning of some of its associate species. Valerius Cordus, being well-skilled in both chemistry and mineralogy, goes be- yond all his predecessors in that he names the petrography of a plant's habitat or otherwise indicates the constituency of the soil in which it is to be looked for." Robert Boyle (1627-1691) is sometimes referred to as the first of the modern chemists. His biological observations were incidental. In 1670 he published the earhest experiments upon the effect of low atmos- pheric pressures on animals. The forms tested comprised mice and young kittens, various birds, including a duck and a duckling, snakes, frogs, and different invertebrates, among them several kinds of insects. The point of view from which he ECOLOGICAL, BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 17 made his experiments is shown in the fol- lowing passage (p. 2012) : "We put a full-grown Duck (being not then able to procure a fitter) into a Receiver, where- of she fill'd, by our guess, a third part or some- what more but was not able to stand in any easy posture in it; then pumping out the Air, though she seemed at first (which yet I am not too confident of upon a single tryal, ) to have continued somewhat longer than a Hen in her condition would have done; yet within the short space of one minute she appeared much discomposed and between that and the second minute, her struggling and convulsive motions increased so much that, her head also hanging carelessly down, she seemed to be just at the point of death; from which we presently res- cued her by letting the Air in upon her: So that, this Duck being reduced in our Receiver to a gasping condition within less than two minutes it did not appear that, notwithstanding the peculiar contrivance of nature to enable these water-Birds to continue without respira- tion for some time under water, this Duck was able to hold out considerably longer than a Hen, or other Bird not-Aquatick might have done." Boyle was impressed by the resistance of cold-blooded animals in his vacua. He experimented with recently bom kittens: "Being desirous to try, whether Animals, that had lately been accustomed to live without any, or without a full Respiration, would not be more difficultly or slowly killed by the want of Air . . . and found that: These tryals may deserve to be pros- ecuted with further ones, to be made not only with such Kittens, but with other very young Animals of different kinds; for by what has been related it appears, that those Animals continued three times longer in the Exhausted Receiver, than other Animals of that bigness would probably have done." These quotations show that the approach to Boyle's experimentation was distinctly ecological in the present usage of a word unknowTi to him and that his experiments were well conducted and not overinter- preted. His main technical weakness lay in failure to record for many of his experi- ments any indication of the degree of re- duction of air pressure in his self-styled "Vacuo Bovliano." Reaumur (1683-1757) has a place near the beginning of the 2;reat modern tradition of natural history. His most notable work, "Memoires pour servir a I'histoire des in- sectes." filled six large volumes. He was concerned with the conditions of Ufe of insects, as well as with their structure, and he experimented with their habits of Ufe, including leaf-mining, gall formation, and, more especially, the community hfe of so- cial insects. He studied parasitism among the Hymenoptera. He made observations on shell formation in mollusks, movement of primitive animals, and the digestion of food. Reaumur was a man of much influence in his own day, and his work is still held in high esteem, as witness the appearance in 1926 of one of his hitherto unpublished manuscripts, translated and annotated by William M. Wheeler. The modern aspect of ecology did not begin to take form until early in the eight- eenth century. Linnaeus (1707-1778) and Buff on (1707-1788), each in his character- istic style, made notable contributions. Nor- denskiold (p. 215), with some truth and pardonable patiiotism, proclaims that in ad- dition to founding modern systematics, Linnaeus originated all that is now called "phenological, ecological, and geographic zoology and botany" by his descriptions of the influence of external conditions. Of Buff on, Lankester (1889) said that he "alone among the greater writers of the three past centuries emphasized that view of living things which we call 'bionomics.' Buffon deliberately opposed himself to the mere exposition of the structural resem- blances and differences of animals, and, disregarding classification, devoted his treatise on natural history to a consideration of the habits of animals and their adapta- tions to their surroundings. . . . Buffon is the only writer who can be accorded his- toric rank in this study." Buffon's great principle of environmental induction is still an important rallying point in dynamic bi- ology. This should not be confused, as apparently it is at times, with Lamarck's principle of the inheritance of eflFects of use and disuse. ENVIRONMENTAL PHYSIOLOGY: RANGE AND ADJUSTMENT We now know that there are two types of environmental effects that may be dis- tinguished conveniently as examples of (a) developmental, maintenance and/or tolera- tion phvsiologv, and (b) response physiol- ogy. The line between them is not necessar- ily sharp, nor are they mutually exclusive. In addition to his work on the natural 18 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY history of insects, Reaumur was a pioneer in developmental physiology. Interestingly enough, he laid the foundation for the mass of modern work on the summation of tem- perature when (1735) he found that the sum of the mean daily temperatures of air in the shade made a constant for any given phenological period. Abbe in a book com- piled in 1891 and finally published in 1905 quotes a translation from Reaumur as fol- lows: "It would be interesting to continue such comparisons between temperature and the epoch of ripening and to push the study even further, comparing the sum of the degrees of heat for one year with the similar sums of temperature for many other years; it would be interesting to make com- parisons of the sums that are effective during any given year in warm countries with the effective sums in cold and tem- perate climates, or to compare among themselves the sums for the same months in different countries." Reaumur expanded this statement else- where into the suggestion that, since the same grain is harvested in different cli- mates, a comparison should be made of the same temperatures for the months during which the cereals accomplish the greater part of their growth and maturity in warm countries like Spain and Africa, in tem- perate countries Hke France, and in cold countries like those of the extreme north. Here we have the background for the geo- graphic application of temperature summa- tion that underlies, in theory at least, certain modern work such as the life zone concept of Merriam and the "bioclimatic law" of Hopkins. Gasparin in 1844, in commenting on Reaumur's ideas on this subject, recognized in them the germ of all work on the quan- tity of heat necessary to mature different kinds of plants. According to Abbe, Adan- son, soon after Reaumur, disregarded sub- freezing temperatures and took only the sums of those above freezing. More than three-quarters of a century later Boussin- gault in 1837 in his Rural Economii com- puted the total heat required to ripen grain essentially according to Adanson's sugges- tion. His data indicate that the required number of dav degrees increases as the latitude decreases. Quetelet (1846) added the idea of a threshold of awakening from winter dor- mancy; even so, in his summary (cf. Abbe, 1905, p. 188) Quetelet used the sum of temperatures, or the sum of the squares of temperatures above freezing for his basic data. Alphonse de CandoUe, by 1865, knew that if the time in days required for seed germination is multiphed by the accumulat- ed degrees centigrade, the results are more consistent if the minimum germinating tem- perature for the species, rather than freez- ing of water, is taken as the base. It remained to work out the physiological zero for different plants. Gasparin (1844) adopted 5° C. as the beginning of "effective temperature." By 1852 (fide Abbe) he had recognized that these early preoccupations with temperature were faulty in that the effect of other meteorological conditions was also important in phenological affairs. He suggested that rainfall, sunshine, and related meteorological data should also be considered in such analyses. Candolle (1865) found that, contrary to the opinion of certain workers, some seeds will germinate at 0° C. and possibly at even lower temperature if the water can be kept liquid. He knew about minimum, maximum, and optimum germinating tem- peratures and emphasized the difference between effective and ineffective tempera- tures. Abbe summarizes these and many other records of the measurement of environmen- tal factors and their effects on plants. Among other matters, he reviews the modi- fication of Boussingault's day degrees by Tisserand (1875), who used hours of light between sunrise and sunset multiplied by the mean temperature to give "sunshine- hour degrees." The data indicate that, for the maturation of spring wheat and barley, this mixed summation appears to decrease as the latitude increases. Abbe also traces the development of in- formation concerning the effect of light on germination and growth of plants from that of Edwards and Colin in 1834 through the cautious conclusion of Pauchon (1880) that light favors germination when the seeds are below their optimum germinating temperature. Abbe discusses the invention by Arago before 1850 of thermometer cou- ples composed of black-bulb and colorless bulb pairs to measure total insolation, which Marie-Davy improved. By 1867, Roscoe knew from measurements in Europe and Brazil that, unlike heat, the chemical action of light reaches its maximum effect at noon ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 19 The measurement of the evaporating power of the air with a Piche evaporimeter had been recorded in the Montsouris An- niiaire for 1888. Knowledge of other effects of wind is much older. The relation of wind to the dispersion of spores had attracted at- tention, and certain of the relations to vege- tation were also known. For example, Woll- ny (1891, vol. 14, p. 176) records that the catch of living spores on suitable glass plates in forests is about one-third of that found in the open country. Interrelations between living organisms were also being studied. Cordus, the Ger- man herbalist, in his Historia Plantarum, published posthumously in 1561, had de- scribed the tubercles on lupine roots. It is a far cry from this initial description to the experiments on nitrogen fixation that flour- ished in the 1880's. By the end of that decade, much of the basis for present day knowledge of the symbiotic functioning of root tubercles had been experimentally out- lined (see Abbe, 1905, p. 136 ff). It is perhaps pardonable to pause in the midst of this historical survey to point out a fact that is steadily becoming more and more evident. When Brooks was writing the passage referred to earlier in this chapter, or when, to anticipate. Warming was study- ing the vegetation of the Danish dunes in the early 1890's, there already existed a rich literature concerning the relations of organisms to their environment. Having made this point, it is unnecessary to trace out each detailed advance. We do need to turn to the zoological developments of the nineteenth century to find how far general knowledge about the environmental rela- tions of animals had progressed by the end of that period. The work of tracing the history of ecol- ogy is made easier by the books of Daven- port and Semper. Davenport brought to- gether much ecological information in his Experimental Morvholo^i/ (1897-1899, 2 vols., 508 pp.) and documented his writing in modem st^'le. The excellent review by Semper (1879 to 1881), called Animal Life, covers a part of the same literature. Both these men had a hand in the rise of self-conscious ecology, a topic that will be considered in due time. The advances in animal ecoloijv during this period can be more soundlv evaluated if the history of plant physiology is also considered. This is summarized by Sachs (1882) and Pfeffer (1900-1906). The more distinctly ecological discussion by Klebs (1896) of the conditions of existence as they affect the reproduction of algae and fungi is also significant. It had been suggested before the 1890's that respiration of anaerobic bacteria and of other parasitic organisms resulted from the breaking down of oxygen-containing compounds present in the nutritive medium (cf. Loew, 1891, p. 760). Much earlier, Kiihne (1864) had shown experimentally that protoplasmic movement in the ameba is slowed down in the absence of oxygen, while subsequently it was found that the presence of increased amounts of carbon dioxide immobilizes quickly, but kills slowly (Demoor, 1894). The preliminary information concerning acclimatization to poisons had been worked out both with man (Binz and Schulz, 1879) and other animals (Ehrlich, 1891). Obser- vations on many organisms had yielded the generalization that an organism which pro- duces an albuminoid poison is resistant to that poison. Thus Fayrer (1872) reported that snakes were not killed by injections of their own poison; modern studies show that such immunity is only relative (Keegan and Andrews, 1942). Determinations by Bezold as early as 1857 showed that the amount of water ordi- narily present in body tissues varies with different species. By 1896 it was known that seeds do not germinate if they contain only 10 to 15 per cent of water and that certain animals can revive after being desic- cated. Leeuwenhoek mentioned in a letter written in 1702 that when dry stuff from a gutter was put in water, organisms ap- peared, and Hall (1922) states that Baker in 1764 had revived nematodes after they had been in a dried state for twenty-seven years. Spallanzani, in the late eighteenth century, similarly revived dried rotifers. Preyer (1891) coined the modern term "anabiosis" to apply to apparent death, and Davenport believed (1897), but admittedly could not prove, that anabiosis could re- sult from acclimatization rather than selec- tion. Semper (1881, p. 174) doubted whe- ther, after the protoplasm was actually and truly desiccated, revival could take place, though he knew that eggs of the phyllopod crustacean Aviis could be kept in mud for vears and still hatch out if properlv mois- tened. Other cases of recovery after ex- 20 THE fflSTORY OF ECOLOGY tended drying were known. For example, Cooke (1895) summarized instances that show the tenacity of life of desert snails. One of the most spectacular concerns two specimens of Helix desertorum that were glued to appropriate supports and exhibited in the British Museum from March 26, 1846, to about March 15, 1850, when one revived and fed after being placed in water. Bachmetjew (1907) cites a fairly rich literature which grew during the latter half of the nineteenth century dealing with the eflFect of humidity upon the develop- ment of insects and insect populations and upon such other matters as body form and color. By 1890 many of the essential relations of osmosis had been worked out for plant cells by PfeflFer (1877) and De Vries (1884). It had been known for an even longer time that the ameba shrinks in a weak saline solution and swells on return to fresh water (Kiihne, 1864). In the late 1870's Schmankewitsch reported that if the fresh-water flagellate Anisonema acinus is cultivated for many generations in water to which sea salt is added gradually, its struc- ture is modified, and Griiber (1889) changed the marine form of the heliozoan Actinophrys sol to the more vacuolated fresh-water form, and vice versa. Davenport (1897) could make the gen- eralization that the capacity for resistance to stronger salt solutions seems to be closely correlated with the conditions of the medi- um in which the organism has been reared; he cited a series of observations dating back to those of Beudant (1816) and show- ing that mollusks living in the diluted sea water of littoral regions, such as Ostrea or Mytiliis, could resist the ill eflFects of expo- sure to fresh water better than mollusks from the open sea. Beudant also showed experimentally that fresh-water and marine organisms could go far towards becoming accustomed gradually to the opposite type of medium, or, in more general language, that by varying the density of the culture medium slowly, we may, with time, vary the resistance of individuals. Such experi- ments were much extended during the nineteenth century as, for example, by Pla- teau (1871) on the fresh- water isopod Asellus and bv others on representatives of almost all the principal animal groups. Schmankewitsch's oft-quoted experiments (1875) in which he transformed the brine shrimp Artemia salina to the so-called A. milhaiiseni and back by rearing it in differ- ent concentrations of salt water are prob- ably the most dramatic of these otherwise half- forgotten experiments. A consideration of the relation of mineral nutrients, espe- cially those of the soil, to the growth of plants led to the strong emphasis that Liebig (1840) placed on what is now known as Liebig's "law of the minimum" (seep. 198). Experimental analysis of the effect of hght extended throughout this period. Ed- wards (1824) stated that tadpoles would not develop well in the dark. Others in the fifties and sixties found no effect of light or darkness on the rate of growth, while Yung (1878) claimed that tadpoles grew more rapidly in length in the light. Wood (1867) reported a positive influence of re- flected light on the color of butterfly chrysalids. Modem work on the effect of wavelength of light on animal development apparently began with that of Beclard (1858), and the foundation for present knowledge concern- ing the relation between wavelength and photosynthesis was laid by Draper (1844), Sachs (1864), and Pfeffer (1871). For plants that contain chlorophyll, it became known that, within limits, the rate of assim- ilation decreases as light intensity decreases (Reinke, 1883, 1884). For plants and other organisms, the most diverse upper limits of intensity were known by 1896. Experimen- tation on the lethal effect of light on bac- teria dates back to Montegazza, according to Nickles (1865), and was first studied with thoroughness by Downes and Blunt (1877, 1878), who found that the blue end of the spectrum was actively bactericidal, but that red was not similarly effective. Organisms are normally subjected to a diurnal period of darkness and of light. Smith (1933) says that the first mention in literature of the influence of the length of day on plants is found in the writings of Linnaeus, in 1739. Linnaeus thought, however, that the rapid growth and speedv maturity of arctic plants result from heat rather than from the light supplied by the lengthened davs. Davenport (1897, p. 421) records that Trew in 1727 had studied the effect of alternation of light and dark- ness on the rate of growth in plants. Once opened, the subject attracted attention, but it was not until the work of Sachs (1872) that a continuous curve of plant growth ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 21 was obtained, demonstrating clearly that growth increases during tlie night, has a maximum about daybreak, and then falls to a minimum about sunset. Garner (1936) traced the development of photoperiodicity. Moleschott (1855) reported that the frog, Rana escidenta, produces carbon dioxide more rapidly in light than in darkness; and Bidder and Schmidt (1852) had found that starving cats show a diurnal rhythmicity in loss of weight, with least rapid loss during the night. It would be interesting to know if temperature changes were properly controlled. Schiifer (1907) was the first person in the present century to present evidence that length of day is a factor in bird migration. He traces the idea back to a Swedish poet, Runeberg, who was reported in 1874 to have thought that "it is the longing after hght, and that alone, that diaws the birds southward" in the autumn, and that they re- turn to the long days of the Scandinavian summer for the same reason. The views of Runeberg did not pass unchallenged, for Newton (1874) objected that since both autumn and spring migrations are initiated before the respective equinoxes, the birds in both instances are journeying toward increasingly shortened days. Apparently without knowing about Rune- berg's ideas, Seebohm (1888) wrote con- cerning the autumnal migration: "The an- cestors of the Charadriidae were probably not in search of warmth for the climate of the Polar Basin was in those remote ages mild enough: nor in search of jood, which was probably abundant all the year round; but in search of light during the two or three months when the sun never rose above the horizon." Schiifer comments on the fact that Seebohm apparently did not realize that birds might return to the arctic region on account of the lengthened days to be found there. The custom of providing domestic fowls with added Hght in order to increase egg production is said to be traceable to Spain in 1802. The practice was introduced into North America in 1895. The effects of the increased length of the light period on the egg production of hens becomes evident in ten to twelve days' exposure. The same practice is now applied in the raising of fowls for food. Many observers, from Spallanzani (1787) and Saussure (1796) down to Brues (1939), have been interested in collecting data on animals and plants of thermal waters. Dutrochet (1837), for plants, and Klihne (1859), for animals, head a long fine ol distinguished workers who agree that, with- in hmits, an increase of heat accelerates protoplasmic movement. Semper (1881, p. 129) could cite sound data to show that an increase in temperature strikingly in- creases the rate of development of many animals and concluded, accurately enough: "Many other examples might be added . . . all providing the same effect of a rising temperature; but, unfortunately, so far as 1 know, none give an exactly determined tlrermal curve for particular species . . ." The first such curve to be pubHshed ap pears to have been that by Lilhe and Knowlton (1897). Modern interest in the degree of heat re- quired to produce death dates to Spallan- zani (1787). Edwards (1824), Dutrochet (1837), and Bert (1876) are among those who investigated it. Unfortunately, experi- mental conditions were not carefully con- trolled and standardized. Even so, the work of this period fairly well fixed the ideas that prevail today and supplies much of our present information on this subject. In gen- eral, this early work showed that while certain flagellates were not killed, under the conditions used, until about 50° C, and while for many groups 45° C, or there- abouts, represents a common death point, the majority of the metazoa are killed below 40° C. or even below 35° C. Temporary cold rigor and death point as a result of low temperature similarly at- tracted attention, particularly from 1860 to 1890. The information was sufiBcient to al- low Davenport (1897) to make the sound generalization that there is no fatal minimal temperature for desiccated protoplasm. At the other extreme, according to Doyere (1842, p. 29), rotifers and tardigrades, which in water are killed before the tem- peratmre reaches 50° C, after drying may be heated to 120° C. and still survive. This supplies further evidence of the increased resistance of dried protoplasm. Semper (1881, p. Ill) cited as a recent discovery that hibernating mammals have a consider- ably lowered temperature, which Horvath had found to reach 2° C. in the ground squirrel, CiteUus citeUus. Experiments on acclimatization to high temperatures were also carried on in the later decades of the nineteenth century. 22 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY Those of Dallinger (1887), still cited ex- tensively, covered several years, during vvlrich time he slowly acchmated a popula- tion of flagellates to heat. At the beginning they started to die if raised to 23^ C; finally they were Hving at 70° C. At this point the experiment was terminated by an accident; neither the nature of this event nor DaUinger's emotions at the time are revealed in tiie original reports. Davenport's conclusions, based on knowl- edge available in 1896, have a distinctly modern sound. In general terms, not in ex- act quotation, he says (1897, p. 277) that when dynamic conditions vary quan- titatively, a quantitative variation in metab- ohsm will follow such that metabohsm be- gins to slow down as limiting conditions are approached. And finally: "A vital phe- nomenon occurring in a given protoplasmic mass can be reproduced only when the dynamical conditions are reproduced, and the structural hmiting conditions are in no wise closely approached." Semper's earher Animal Life (1881) is less fully documented and hence is some- what less helpful in strict chronology. His book has the distinct advantage of being written from much more nearly the modern ecological point of view than was Daven- port's. A brief review of some of his points will increase our knowledge of, and respect for, the ecological information available at the close of the 1870's. Semper knew of monophagy in the strict modern sense among both carnivores and herbivores. He also knew that monophagy is often closely connected with the occur- rence of special organs or structural rela- tions, or with special adjustments in the Life history. He clearly foreshadowed the modern conception of "key-industry" ani- mals, and he worked out in principle what has come to be called the "pyramid of num- bers" (p. 52). Protective color changes in animals have long been a matter of interest. Semper (p. 91) reports that Stark in 1830 recorded observations on color changes in several different kinds of fishes; Shaw in 1838 was perhaps the first to conclude that fishes that can change color are apparently pro- tected thereby from predators. Lister (1858) found by experimentation that a connection exists between eyes and chroma- tophores in frogs, a relationship later inde- pendently confirmed by Pouchet (1876), who experimentally demonstrated that the connection existed through the sympathetic nervous system. Except in the growth of detailed knowledge and the formulation of the ratio hypothesis to explain background matcliing (Keeble and Gamble, 1904), the next important advance in the matter of knowledge about cliiomatophore activity came with the relatively recent insight into the role of hormones and of neural hmnors in the ecological relations of animals ca- pable of color change to fit their environ- ment. Semper strongly doubted the significance of the classification of animals according to the temperature zones in which they five in "fortuitous community." He thought that the well-being of animals that five in asso- ciation depends far more essentially on the variations and extremes of temperature than on the absolute degree of heat to which they may be simultaneously exposed at any given time. Hence he found the cUstinction that Mobius had made between stenother mal and eurythermal to be as important as we now hold it to be. In a much more speciaUzed field, Semper anticipated the modern human preoccupa- tion with "Lebensraum" and extended the earher experiments of Hogg (1854) to show that the fresh-water isopod Asellus and the pond snail Lijmnaea would be stunted if grown in too small a volume of water. He failed to find an adequate ex- planation experimentally and invented the hypothesis of the presence of an unknown, but necessary, substance, which was present in the water, probably in a minute quan- tity. Since a certain quantity would be needed, it follows that below a minimum volume, growth would be retarded. While we know much more now than when Semper was experimenting, this problem is still essentially unsolved; the present knowl- edge about the importance of vitamins and other trace substances lends significance to Semper's guess. Semper was a morphologist, uninterested in ecological relations before he went to the Philippines on his great expedition. Close contact with coral reefs in particular, and with the wealth of life in general, ap- pears to have changed his approach to bi- ology. This is a dramatic, though not an isolated, example. The effect of similar per- sonal experience with varied and, to them, exotic aspects of nature, during their voy- ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 23 ages on the "Beagle" and the "Rattlesnake," respectively, exerted strong formative influ- ences upon Charles Darwin and T. H. Hux- ley. Many others have had and continue to have their biological thinking channel- ized and intensified by direct observations on the unaccustomed richness of the eco- logical relationships of plant and animal life of the tropics. Milne-Edwards (1857) pubhshed a basic contribution on the processes and organs of respiration in animals. In the next two decades, knowledge of the respiration of aquatic animals was advanced decidedly. In this connection, the work of Bert (1870) and Fritz Miiller was available to Semper. Bert (1878) emphasized the interrela- tions between barometric pressure and oxy- gen tension. He knew that the eflFect of lowered or increased atmospheric pressures can be obviated by adjusting the final par- tial pressure of oxygen to that to which the animals are acclimated. Fairly large changes from this pressure are normally harmful. Animals with closed, or nearly closed, internal reservoirs of air show me- chanical eflFects from variations such as might be expected from a general knowl- edge of the phvsical principles involved. Bert also knew about the internal release of nitrogen in decompression. It is an item of more than passing interest that a trans- lation of this thousand-page monograph was published in 1943. The importance of the evaporating power of the air on animal distribution was well recognized by 1880. There was also a con- siderable body of knowledge concerning mechanisms that allow gill-breathing ani- mals such as crabs, and fishes such as Peri- ophthalmus, to invade the land, sometimes for extended periods of time. Forel's ob- servations on the reinvasion of deep water by the air-breathing Lymnaeidae were also on record. The ecologically-minded zoologist of the 1870's was also interested in the influence of water in motion upon such matters as the clinging power of mollusks, erosion of shells, form of coral reefs and the relation of currents of water (or air) to the distri- bution of species. The importance of the substrate was recognized, and many natural history aspects of reciprocal reactions of living organisms upon each other were given much attention, especially the rela- tions of sexes and various sorts of symbi- osis, including commensahsm, mutualism, and parasitism. Semper was also quite aware of the relationship between his data and the Darwinian theory of evolution. In this he seems to have been in advance of some of the more self-conscious ecologists who followed him. RESPONSE PHYSIOLOGY* Ecological aspects of response physiology are mainly concerned with phases of be- havior. The attention centers on the behav- ior of animals, since their reactions are much more marked than are those of plants. The responses of organisms are important in ecology because they are frequently ini- tiated primarily by the environment and in turn react upon it. Since vocalization, which may be easily and sometimes pre- cisely interpretable in communication from man to man, is not equally revealing among other animals, the most sensitive clue to the eflFect being produced by an environment is frequently gained from the response physiology of the reacting animals. The history of this aspect of ecologv also traces back to Aristotle, who recorded a somewhat systematic account of the be- ha\ior of many sorts of organisms. His ob- sers'ations, despite their defects, exerted an influence in this phase of developing ecological knowledge which, with the pos- sible exception of that of Reaumur (1683- 1757), was hardly equalled before the time of Charles Darwin. Wallace in Malaya and South America, Hudson in the Argentine, Bates on the Amazon, Belt in Nicaragua, and many others made sturdy contributions to our knowledge of the behavior of little-known animals, which they observed on expedi- tions or in out-of-the-wav places. Espinas' consideration of social animals (1877) was based on records or observations concern- ing native as well as exotic forms. Brehm's Tierlehen in its successive editions was the outstanding natural history of the period as BuflFon's Hisfoire Naturelle had been a centurv earlier. Romanes made good obser- vations, not onlv on the behavior of Cehiis monkevs, but also on jellyfishes, starfishes and sea urchins. Preyer experimented on • The interested student is referred to Holmes (1916) and Warden, Jenkins, and Warner (1935) for the history of the study of animal behavior. 24 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY the behavior of starfish. Darwin contributed his classic and essentially ecological study on the earthworm; although, as usual, his observations were exact, his long-range conclusions on earthworms appear to have been erroneous (cf. Keith, 1942). Fabre. Lubbock, the Peckhams. and many others reported penetrating field observations of insect behavior. In animal behavior, as in self-conscious ecology and other phases of biology, the decade and a half centering about 1900 showed a remarkable outburst of impor- tant biological work which, while firmly grounded historically, was still unusually original. A mature contribution came from Whitman (1898) in his Woods Hole lec- ture on "Animal Behavior" in which he demonstrated a naturalist's sensitivity re- garding the necessity for full acquaintance with the normal behavior of animals before experimenting on them. He insisted, on the basis of pertinent original observations on the behavior of a leech, of Necturiis, and of pigeons, that often the origin and signifi- cance of a given behavior pattern antedate individual acquisitions and are a part of the problem of the origin and history of organization itself, as well as reveal adjust- ment between the animal and its normal environment. Whitman's work on animal behavior, though many of his results were too long left unpublished (cf. Whitman, 1919), still influences current programs for the analysis of ecological and other aspects of behavior.* The late 1890's and the early years of the present century were enlivened by the controversy that developed between the forced movement, nonadaptive explana- tions of animal behavior of Loeb and his school and the adherents of the more com- pUcated "trial and error" adaptational sys- tem of Jennings. Happily we can now see that the views are largely complementary, and they have already been knit, notably by Kiihn, along with other elements, into a comprehensive system of orientational be- havior (cf. Fraenkel and Gunn, 1940). By 1897, Davenport, in his Experimental • Whitman was himself an able naturalist. He brought C. B. Davenport to the recently founded University of Chicago, in part to foster field studies, and he had much to do with the early development of C. C. Adams and V. E. Shelford. Morphology, which reviewed a much wider field, was able to summarize a hterature in response physiology almost as extensive as in developmental and toleration physiol- ogy. The topics he treated historically in- clude chemotaxis, hydrotaxis, tonotaxis, thigmotaxis (stereotaxis), rheotaxis, geo- taxis, electrotaxis, phototaxis, photopathy. and thermotaxis. Much of the literature cited is from the decades immediately pre- ceding publication, but Davenport calls attention to early work, such as that of Trembley (1744, p. 66) that Hydra viridis moved toward the light even when the lighted slit is turned toward cooler air. Some of the ecological queries that such studies helped to answer are: 1. Do animals have definite reactions that enable them to find the habitat suit- able to their ecological tolerances? 2. Are animal reactions adaptive? 3. Is a given behavior pattern innate or conditioned ( learned ) ? 4. Do any animals other than man seem to be conscious of their behavior? if so, to what extent? Is there a choice of habitats? Do animals show preferences? RELATION OF POPULATIONS TO ENVIRONMENT General biologists, and even ecologists, who have read thus far, may ask: Is this the history of ecology? Without referring to the discussion of the rise of self-conscious ecology, which will be considered when the background is adequately prepared, an answer may be quoted from an early eco- logical summary. Adams (1913) said: "There are also so many degrees and kinds of work that go by the name ecological, which may or may not be, and so many also which are truly ecological but which do not pass under that name, that it is necessary that the student shall be able to see through its di- verse guises and recognize its essential char- acter. Whenever the question arises as to the ecological character of a fact, inference, or conclusion, its ecological validity may be tested in the following way: Do the facts, in- ferences, or conclusions show a response to the inorganic or organic environment: "1. As an individual of a species or kind of animal? "2. As a group of taxonomically related animals? "3. As an association of interacting animals?" ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 25 According to Adams, any of these responses might properly be considered ecological. rhe treatment of developmental, tolera- tion, and response physiology may be tested by the first of these queries. The present section is written about the second; the third point will be considered later. At the turn of the century, the present discussion would have centered about the history of the ecology of species as distinct from that of individuals. Now, in the 1940's, it is con- cerned with populations. The difference is not great, since current definitions of a species are in terms of natural populations or groups of populations. The study of populations is not so far removed from developmental, toleration, and response physiology as at first appears. Even the mathematical theory of popula- tions is built around a framework of facts or assumptions concerning animal behavior (cf. Thompson, 1939). The primary biolog- ical functions of a population include the birth, nutrition, growth, reproduction, and death of its members. As organisms or populations grow, they draw their food from outside themselves and may efiEectively diminish the surrounding food supply. Malthus (1798), an early student of populations, calculated that while numbers of organisms may increase in geometrical progression, their food supply may never increase faster than shown by an arithmet- ical progression; a resulting discrepancy fre- quently develops between the population to be fed and the available food. Malthus identified the drive for coitus with that for reproduction, and at first thought both were inexorable in man, as in other organisms. As a result, there arises, he said, a violent competition, which leads to a struggle for existence (his phrase) until population in- crease is finally controlled by catastrophe or, in man (1803 edition), by purposive re- straint from procreation. As ecologists, we may happily avoid the bitter controversy that sprang up almost immediately about the matter of human birth control and focus our attention on the more general imphcations of the Essay on Population. The ideas were not entirely new, and much of the earUer history can be found in the discussion of pre-Malthus- ian doctrines of population by Stangeland (1904). Machiavelfi, 275 years before Malthus, had realized the danger that hu- man populations may increase beyond the means of subsistence in Umited areas and that such an increase would then be checked by want and disease. Botero pre- sented a similar thesis in 1590. Hale (1677), Buffon (1751), Franklin (1751), Wallace (1761), and Bruckner (1767), among others, anticipated Malthus. In fact. Hale stated that the increase in human population tends to occur in geometrical ratio, which is one of the important proposi- tions of Malthus. Yet it was Malthus who focussed attention on the problem and so set the stage for all demographic studies in sociology and for the controversy about the "struggle for existence" in biology. Darwin (1859) found one of the bases for his theory of natural selection in the reasoning of Malthus, and A. R. Wallace was also influenced by it when independ- ently arriving at nearly the same evolu- tionary ideas (Darwin and Wallace, 1858). Twenty-four years before the pubhcation of the Origin of Species, Quetelet, the Belgian statistician, assumed (1835) that resistance to the growth of a population increases in proportion to the square of the rate of population growth, much as the resistance to a projectile increases with the square of its speed. Quetelet speaks of a population as though it were an entity. Verhulst, a student and a colleague of Quetelet's, in 1838 published a short essay entitled "Notice sur la loi que la population suit dans son accroissement," in which he cited the ideas of "le celebre Malthus" and those of Quetelet and proceeded to develop briefly an equation describing the course of population increases in proportion to popu- lation density. His equation plotted into the now well-known S-shaped population curve with upper and lower asymptotes, which he called the logistic curve. In his original paper, Verhulst gave certain tests of good- ness of fit of this curve against data for a few human populations of western Europe. Verhulst died in 1849 at the age of forty- five. His work on populations attracted little attention. Miner (1933) found only one reference to it in "modem times" before the rediscovery of the logistic curve by Pearl and Reed in 1920; thus population studies were long dominated by the cruder and partially erroneous ideas of Malthus. There seems to have been a general inter- est in human populations in the early dec- 26 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY ades of the niiieteentli century. Doubleday (1841), stimulated by his skepticism con- cerning the validity of the population theory of Malthus, brought forth his "true law of population." He said in part (p. 6) : "The great general law then, wliich, as it seems, really regulates tlie increase or decrease both of vegetable and of animal life, is tiiis, that whenever a species or genus is endangered, a corresponding effort is invariably made by nature for its preservation and continuance, by an increase of fecundity or fertility; and that this takes place whenever such danger arises from a diminution of nourishment or food, so that consequently the state of depletion . . . is favorable to fertility; and that, on the other hand, . . . the state of repletion, is unfavor- able to fertihty, in the ratio of intensity of each state, and this [holds] probably through- out nature universally, in the vegetable as well as in the animal world . . . ." Doubleday was mainly concerned with human phenomena. He accurately detected the fact that the well-to-do and rich repro- duce less rapidly than the poor, and inac- curately thought that this human situation and similar phenomena in plants and animals were wholly expUcable in terms of the effects of overrich mineral nutrients on plants and overfeeding with domestic ani- mals, including man. The next contribution, that of WiUiam Farr, did not grow out of the same set of considerations that had intrigued Malthus, Quetelet, Verhulst, and Doubleday. Farr was especially concerned with mortahty. In 1843 he discovered that, within limits in England, there was a relation between the density of the human population and the death rate such that mortahty increased as the sixth root of density. Farr returned to the problem in 1875 and tested his earlier discovery against population and mortahty data from all districts of England and Wales for the years 1861 to 1870, finding that when the districts were listed in the order of their mortahty, the latter always increases with the density, but less rapidly. In general terms, Farr's rule states that if the death rate is represented by R and the density of the population per unit area by D, then R = ^D"*, where c and m are con- stants. Brownlee (1915) rehabihtated this rule by showing that the statistics used by Farr, which came from the decade 1861 to 1870, compared favorably with those from the decade 1891 to 1900. The only correction needed arose from tire improvement of san- itation in the intervenmg years. It is easy to jump ahead of our chiono- logical story. In 1852 Herbert Spencer pub- hshed an outhne of "A Theory of Popula- tion, Deduced from the General Law of Animal Fertihty," which he later incor- porated in his Principles of Biology (1867) and expanded to make a whole section of that work. The essence of his later state- ment is: "Individuation and Genesis are necessarily antagonistic. Grouping under the word Indi- viduation all processes by which individual life is completed and maintained, and enlarging the meaning of the word Genesis so as to in- clude all processes aiding the formation and perfecting of new individuals; we see the two are fundamentally opposed. Assuming other things to remain the same— assuming that en- vironing conditions as to cUmate, food, enemies, etc., continue constant; then, inevitably, every higher degree of individual evolution is fol- lowed by a lower degree of race multiplication, and vice versa. Progress in bulk, complexity, or activity involves retrogress in fertihty; and progress in fertihty involves retrogress in bulk, complexity, or activity." We sympathize with Doubleday, who complained (1853, p. xxix) about an earher version of this idea: "The author will now venture a few brief remarks on positions of a very erudite review of the 'True Law of Population' . . . pubhshed . . . under the name of 'Herbert Spencer.' It is not easy to evolve the exact doctrine of the reviewer from the load of learned diction ..." Stated simply, Spencer's ideas were that when the amount of energy is hmited, the greater the proportion used in the growth of nutritive aspects of the individual, the less there is left for reproduction. Double- day found this suggestion entirely unac- ceptable. Darwin took over without criticism the whole of the Malthusian doctrine as regards the geometric ratio of population growth and the resulting struggle for existence. He documented these ideas extensively with data from nonhuman as well as from human populations. The use he made of them is well and generally known. In the Origin of Species he also clearly recognized that populations exist as units. Thus the evolu- tion of instincts of neuter insects can be explained on the ground that the colonies ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 27 (populations) are selected as units. As with many other phases of biology, Darwin's work gave direction to population studies without containing much that was strictly concerned with this particular field. Farr, as we have seen, returned in .1875 to his discussion of problems related to the human population of England as revealed by the accumulated vital statistics. He saw clearly that a decrease in death rates and a resulting increase in longevity do not necessarily lead to an increase in popula- tion, since, as he cogently remarks, the associated birth rate may fall to an equiva- lent extent. He knew that in man, as in other organisms, the possibility of popula- tion increase in geometrical ratio exists; but (and here Malthus had erred) so also may the means of man's subsistence. Not only had the population of the United States of America doubled itself every tAventy-five years for a century and a half, but the means of human subsistence had also in- creased in geometric ratio and at an even greater rate. This must frequently hold true, since the plants or animals on which man feeds can increase (or decrease) even more rapidly than longer-lived, slow-breeding man. Restated in terms of the pyramid of numbers, which Farr did not do, this can be turned into another general principle. A close consideration of the ideas of Malthus concerning population growth and control, and of Darwin concerning evolu- tion, would seem to require oscillations in the populations of what would now be called key-industry animals and in those of the carnivores that feed upon them. Spen- cer (1863) wrote about this "rhythm in number of each tribe of animals and plants" in approximately modem terms. We have recently been reminded by Elton (1942) that knowledge of mouse plagues, which represent an outstanding oscillation in nature, dates back to early Hebrew history and that such plagues were well known to Aristotle, Theophrastus, Pliny, and others of the classical period. They were obser\'ed somewhat critically during the last decades of the nineteenth century, the formative years for much of modern ecology. Knowledge concerning populations had another line of ancestry in the biometri- cians, Galton, Weldon, and Karl Pearson. Aside from Weldon's work (1898) on the relation of the survival of crabs in Plymouth Harbour (England) to the width of the carapace, and a few similar papers, these men contributed disappointingly little directly to the knowledge or theory of populations. It remained for an American disciple, Raymond Pearl, to make the transi- tion from biometry to population studies that somewhat approximates the ecological approach to the subject. Like his redis- covery (with Reed, 1920) of Verhulst's logistic curve and his eflFective use of that curve as a quantitative expression of poten- tial rate of increase and of environmental resistance, these developments by Pearl came too late to aflFect the early rise of ecology. Their modern aspects and their re- lations to other phases of present day ecol- ogy will be treated later (p. 46). ECONOMIC BIOLOGY Many population studies have a strong economic tiend, and the pressure of eco- nomic problems not only accelerated the de- velopment of an adequate basis for modern ecology, but continues to stimulate eco- logical development today. Three broad economic interests of man— fisheries, agricul- ture, and certain aspects of medicine— are closely related to ecology. The need for more precise information concerning food fishes and the conditions of their existence has been one of the potent drives in the study of the ecolog)' of aquatic habitats. The relation between ecology and agricul- ture is even more obvious; many of the environmental relations of plants were stud- ied in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as well as in earlier and more recent times, because of their direct bearing on agricultural problems. The data re- viewed by Abbe (1905) were discovered primarily because of their immediate economic application, and Abbe's compre- hensive review was itself similarly moti- vated. On the animal side, an important element in the background of ecology came from work with insects in relation to man-growTi crops and to the control of diseases of do- mestic animals and of man. Precise summaries of the history of these develop- ments will be found in books devoted to economic and to medical entomology, especially those on the history of entomol- ogv, notably Howard (1930) and Essig (1931). The treatment here wdll be sug- gestive rather than comprehensive. The regulation of population size of 28 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY noxious insects is a primary problem which has long been attacked. One ecolog- ical method uses the natural controls of trouble-making insects. Fungus diseases at- tracted attention at an early date; Forbes, (1895) traced the history of knowledge of such diseases of insects in Europe and America and described in detail additional experiments designed to stop the inroads made by the chinch bug, Blissus leucop- terus, upon farm crops in Illinois. As early as 1880 Thomas had observed a relation between temperature and rainfall and the development of excessive populations of chinch bugs. Another phase of insect control, distinctly ecological in approach and in general im- plications, comes from the use of predatory species and insect parasites to attack de- structive species. Sweetman (1936) has summarized the history of such eflForts. It appears that Forskal (1775) gave the first written account of this usage when he de- scribed the introduction of colonies of predatory ants from the nearby mountains into Arabian palm orchards to attack other ants that were feeding on the date palms. Sweetman (1936) notes that Erasmus Darwin wrote about the possibilities of bio- logical control in 1800. In 1840 in France large numbers of native carabid beetles were placed on poplar trees to destroy caterpillars of the gipsy moth. The interna- tional transfer of parasites to prey on introduced insect pests was suggested by Fitch in 1854 and was put into effect by Planchon and Riley in 1873. Other early experiments of this nature in the 1870's and 1880's were almost forgotten in the success achieved, largely as a result of the work of C. V. Riley, by the importation of a coccinelhd beetle from Australia into Cali- fornia in 1889 to control the cottony-cush- ion scale. Oscillations between insect pests and their parasites were demonstrated independ- ently by Howard (1897) and Marchal (1897) for different species. Two other workers, (Bellevoye and Laurent, 1897) provided the outline of a mathematical theory of the biological control of popula- tion size. They set up a fairly simple equa- tion to show how such a state, now called a steady state, would be maintained. Growth of knowledge about the interre- lations of organisms with respect to mammalian disease also proceeded at a rapid pace in the closing decades of the last century. Herms (1939) records that Josiah Nott of New Orleans published an essay on the origin of yellow fever in 1848 in which he expressed the belief "that mos- quitoes give rise to both malaria and yellow fever." This was a fortunate guess. Carlos Finlay of Cuba set forth a similar theory for yellow fever about 1880 and conducted Table 1. Important Diseases Known before 1900 to Be Insect-Borne (Data Extracted Chiefly from Herms, 1939) Disease Causative Organism Principle Vector Discoverer* of Vector (or Name Closely Associated) Filariasis Wuchereria. bancrofli (Filaria) Babesia higemina (Protozoan) Trypanosoma hrucei (Protozoan) Plasmodium (Protozoan) Bacillus (Pasteurella) pestns A filtorahlo virus Culcx faiigans (Mosquito) Boophihis anmdaius (Tick) Glossina morsilans (Tsetse fly) Anopheline mosquitoes Xenopsylla (Rat flea) Aedes aegypti (Mosquito) Patrick Manson, 1878 Texas cattle fever . . Nagana Theobald Smith, F. L Kilbourne, 1893 David Bruce, 189.5 Malaria Ronald Ross, 1897 Bubonic plague. . . . Yellow fever P. S. Simond, 1898 Walter Reed, 1900 * Names of other men closely connected with these discoveries, or some of them, can be found in Herms' text and are not repeated here, even though their omission may do an injustice to worthy workers. ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 29 experiments on the subject. King (1883) gave nineteen reasons why mosquitoes should be considered as possible vectors of malaria. King knew about Finlay's work, but he deserves credit for extending it to malaria at a time when even certain ento- mologists well acquainted with mosquitoes rejected the idea. The relations that had been established by 1900 are summarized in Table 1. We have taken the liberty of bringing informa- tion concerning the causative organisms and insect vectors up to date rather than give here the more imperfect statements of 1900. Medical entomology was in a state of rapid growth at the end of the period cov- ered by the present chapter, and scholarly consolidation of the field had already be- gun; this was shown by the appearance of the first comprehensive, critical and histori- cal study of the known disease-carrying activities of arthropods, that by Nuttall (1899). The medical masterpiece by Smith and Kilbourne (1893) deserves independent mention, not only because of its medical significance, but also because of its careful and critical use of the techniques of field experimentation. Forbes, an alert student of the literature of the subjects with which he dealt as well as with natural phenomena themselves, may well have had many of these develop- ments in applied entomology in mind when he wrote the following orienting paragraph (1895) as an introduction to his discussion of the diseases of the chinch bug: "... Another division of biological science, little known to the general public by its name as yet, and but lately (distinguished as a separate subject, ... is now commonly called oecology. It is the science of the relations of living animals and plants to each other as liv- ing things and to their surroundings generally. It deals with tlie ways in wliich heat and light, moisture and drouth, soil and climate, and food and competitors and parasites and pre- dacious enemies, and a long list of agencies additional, act upon living things, and the ways in which these living things react in turn; it includes, in short, the whole system of life as exhibited in the interactions between the plant or animal and the environment, living and without life. It is a very comprehensive, complicated, and important subject; how com- prehensive and important we see at once when we learn that the whole Darwinian doctrine belongs to it on the one hand, and that all agriculture depends upon it on the other. It covers, indeed, the whole field of active life and all forms of matter and energy as affecting living things in any way." EVOLUTION: STRUGGLE AND COOPERATION The history of the growth of knowledge of organic evolution has been told fre- quently and well. We need only call attention to the twin facts (a) that the his- tory of the rise of evolution in its modern biological connotation repeats much of the history of ecology in that many of the same men were involved, and {b) that the sub- ject matter of each of these two aspects of biology strongly overlaps. The nearer we approach modern times and modern preoccupations, the greater is the divergence in men as well as in matter. Although shadowy ideas of evolution, and even forerunners of the theory of natural selection, are much older (cf. Zirkle, 1941), for the purposes of this sketch we may well begin with Buffon, the great theoretical biologist of the eighteenth century. We get a glimpse of the essence of his evolutionary ideas from the following quotation from his Histoire Naturelle (Paris, 1749 ff.: translation quoted from Dendy, 1914) : "If we again consider each species in differ- ent climates we shall find obvious varieties both as regards size and form; all are influenced more or less strongly by the climate. These changes only take place slowly and impercep- tibly; the great workman of Nature is Time: he walks always with even strides, uniform and regular, he does nothing by leaps; but by degrees, by gradations, by succession, he does everything; and these changes, at first imperceptible, little by little become evident, and express themselves at length in results about which we cannot be mistaken." Buffon's main contribution to evolution- ary biology was the idea that the environ- ment can permanently affect the life of organisms by the process now called en- vironmental induction. Buffon influenced Erasmus Darwin's ideas, and also those of Lamarck. Although he anticipated Malthus in understanding the implications of popu- lation pressure, and while he had a clear appreciation of the struggle for existence, Buffon was not a consistent thinker, and he may be as truly classified with Cuvier as a catastrophist as with Lamarck and Eras- mus Darwin as a forerunner of modern evolutionary views. 30 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY Lamarck's contiibutions are more widely known as a result of the publicity, mainly adverse, given to his now generally aban- doned tlieory of evolution through the inheritance of characters acquired by use and disuse or by a more direct effect of the environment. Lamarck summed up his con- clusions in the Histoire Naturelle des Ani- maux sans Vertebres (Paris, 1815; cf. Dendy, 1914, p. 382). Lamarck's Philo- sophie Zoologique (1809) is better known. He placed the effects of needs and of re- sulting habits of animals, together with their manner of life and the conditions under which their ancestors have Hved, in the forefront of his explanation of the bodily form and general qualities of a given animal. Darwin's (and Wallace's) theory of evo- lution is based on principles equally ecological though radically different. Among the important ones we may recog- nize Malthusian overpopulation and the resulting struggle for existence with ensuing natiiral selection. Except for the fundamen- tal part, which is concerned with the nonenvironmental origin of many, probably of the majority, of heritable variations, the remainder of the factors involved in Dar- win's theory are now recognized as being clearly ecological in nature. The exception just noted is even more important than Dar- vvin thought, since he was not altogether free from Lamarckian enviromnentaUsm. The ecological substratum of Darwin's and of Wallace's thinking is brought into clearer hght when we recall the extent to which each was influenced by zoogeo- graphic considerations. The supporting theory of geographic iso- lation (Wagner, 1868; Gulick, 1888, 1905) also grew out of zoogeographic studies and has even more of an ecological bent than does general Darwinian theory. It would be interesting, and perhaps not without value, to consider briefly the rea- sons for the failure of some early ecologists to recognize and insist upon the close con- nection between their newly vivified subject and the important generalizations of evolu- tionary theory. Perhaps, however, such a discussion can be dismissed with the sug- gestion that a part of the psychology involved is not wholly unlike that of a vigorous adolescent in establishing his inde- pendence from actively possessive parents. From a certain viewpoint, there are two main approaches to the phenomena oi ecology and of biology in general, and each yields its element of truth. The more usual approach has been by way of the individuaUstic, egocentric position of the neo-Darwinians that Darwin himself empha- sized. This approach is usually developed about some phase of person-to-person com- petition, and hence the word "competition" has wrongly come to be wholly associated with the harmful interactions of organisms that yield results which are the opposite of cooperations, and may be called disopera- tions. The history of the use of this approach is almost identical with much of that of evolutionary theory since Darwin's time. Opposed to the individuaUstic empha- sis, there is the concern with group-cen- tered, more or less altruistic tendencies, such as have frequently been considered under the heading of cooperation, which careful students nowadays consider as en- tirely nonconscious proto-cooperation in all lower forms. The word itself in this connec- tion should imply merely that the interactions under consideration are more beneficial than harmful for individuals or group units. The germ of the idea of natural coopera- tion, along with that of natural selection, can be traced to the biologically absurd poetry of Empedocles (p. 14). Thereafter the idea was kept somewhat alive, often in barely recognizable form, by the succession of thinkers from Aristotle to Herbert Spen- cer and others who saw human society as a natural outgrowth from the hfe of other animals. They were opposed by an equally impressive succession of men who thought of society as an artifact. A fairly exhaustive history of this phase of the subject is given by Espinas (1877). More positive philosophical emphasis on the nonegocentric interpretation of nature began with Anthony Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury, who about 1700 recognized that racial drives exist that can be explained only by their advantage to the group. Adam Smith emphasized the same qualities in his Theory of Moral Seiitiments (1759) under the heading of "sympathy" or "fellow feel- ing"; his more famous Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations" (1776) is completely based on the opposed force of self-interest^ and he did not publicly reconcile the two. Later, Feuerbach (1846-1890) emphasized the same idea under the heading of "love," ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 31 and Comte (1830) called it "altruism." Such developments are reviewed sympathet- ically by Lange (1865). It may be added that Spencer argued both sides of the rela- tion between egoism and altruism. In his Principles of Ethics (1893, p. 201) he said: "If we define altruism as being all action which, in the normal course of things, benefits others instead of benefiting self, then, from the dawn of life, altruism has been no less essential than egoism. Though primariily it is dependent on ego- ism, yet secondarily egoism is dependent on it." With the growing perception in the last few decades of the significance of cooper- ative forces in nature, there has been a reawakening of interest in Darwin's attitude on the subject. As wdth other aspects of evolutionary biology, Darwin was more broadminded than many of his followers. His recognition that insect castes can be explained on the basis of natural selection of the whole interacting insect social group shows an appreciation of one distinctly nonegoistic aspect of social hving. Weis- mann (1893), in his controversy with Her- bert Spencer over the importance of ac- quired characters, forcefully elaborated this point so far as the "all-sufficiency of natural selection" is concerned. Weismann did not grasp the more general implications that the phenomena he discussed indicate a general cooperative tendency in nature. He did see clearly that cooperation between the parts of organized wholes— whether the wholes are individual animals, as in the evolving proportions of the Irish stag, or are social entities, as with the evolving neuters of an ant colony— could come about by natural selection of germinal variations. It is an interesting question whether Darwin him- self went further. Much can be and has been made of Darwin's statement in the Origin of Species regarding the struggle for existence in which he says (Murray's library edition, p. 46): "I use this term in a large and metaphorical sense, including dependence of one being on another, and including (which is more impor- tant) not only the life of the individual, but success in leaving progeny . . . The mistle- toe is dependent on the apple and a few other trees, but can only in a far-fetched sense be said to struggle with these trees, for, if too many of these parasites grow on the same tree, it languishes and dies ... In these sev- eral senses, which pass into each other, I use for convenience sake the general term of Struggle for Existence." Perhaps it would be the fairest possible treatment to follow Geddes and Thompson (1911, p. 167), who were friendly observ- ers of Darwin and Darwinism and of the point of view now under discussion. "Darwin's characteristic fundamental idea of the intricacy of inter-relations in the web of life, lies below the idea of the struggle for existence, and therefore below the idea of nat- ural selection. Unless we appreciate the fundamental natural history fact of the web of life, we cannot rightly understand how slight differences can be of critical moment in deter- mining survival. The entanglements are so intricate that a slight variation may be of sur- vival-value to its possessor," Our italics indicate a suspicion that even Geddes and Thompson were much con- cerned with the success of the individual, an individual enmeshed, to be sure, in a recognized and important web of life. Again in the same book (p. 174), in speaking of family and group selection, which they list as one of several kinds of selection, they summarize the matter thus: "Though Darwin did not wholly overlook this (indeed in at least one notable passage he expresses it) there is no doubt that the gen- eral tone and treatment of Darwinism . . . has been deeply coloured by the acute individ- ualism of Darwin's and the preceding age. We may therefore restate the concluding thesis of our own 'Evolution of Sex' (1889) since elaborated in various ways by Drummond, by Kropotkin and others. It is that the general progress both of the plant and the animal world, and notably the great uplifts, must be viewed not simply as individual but very largely in terms of sex and parenthood, of family and association; and hence of gregarious flocks and herds, of co-operative packs, of evolving tribes, and thus ultimately of civilized societies . . . above all therefore, of the city. Huxley's tragic vision of 'nature as a gladiatorial show' and consequently of ethical life and progress as merely superimposed by man, as therefore an interference with the normal order of Natvire, is still far too dominant among us." Representative of T. H. Huxley's atti- tude. Caiman (1939) writes: "When Huxley wrote that among animals and among primitive men, 'Life was a continual free fight, and beyond the limited and tem- porary relations of the family, the Hobbesian 32 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY war of each against all was the normal state of existence,' he was, not for the first time, overstating the case." In the Descent of Man Darwin gave nat- uralistic examples of mutual aid. His whole thesis that man is descended from other animals requires that he should recognize that man's altruistic drives should have their precursors among his nearer ancestors and would probably be recognizable among his closer living relatives. That the individualistic emphasis was common in British scientific circles during Darwin's later life and that group-centered interpretations were novel is shown by the following quotation from Nature (21: 285, Jan. 22, 1880) : "We notice an important communication which was made by Prof. Kessler at the annual meeting of the St. Petersburg Society of Naturalists on January 8, [1880] on the 'Law of Mutual Help,' as one of the chief agents in the development and progress of organisms. Prof. Kessler, although an able follower of Darwinism, thinks that the struggle for exist- ence would be insufficient to explain the progress in organic life, if another law, that of sociability and of mutual help did not power- fully work for the improvement of the organ- isms and for strengthening the species . . . ." Espinas' (1877) great work, which pre- ceded Kessler's lecture, emphasizes the naturalness of the cooperative social drives; Darwin-like, he implemented his conclu- sions by pertinent observations drawn from many aspects of natural history and from various levels of the animal kingdom. He had little immediate influence upon the thinking of the biologists, although more recently many have come to recognize the value of his work. Thus Deegener (1918) and Wheeler (1923 and later) give evi- dence of having been influenced by his ideas and by the evidence he collected. Forbes (1887) recognized the existence of cooperative interests even in apparently opposed forces in the ecological community. He said: "It is a self-evident proposition that a species cannot maintain itself continuously, year after year, unless its birth-rate at least equals its death-rate. If it is preyed upon by another species, it must produce regularly an excess of individuals for destruction, or else it must cer- tainly dwindle and disappear. On the other hand, the dependent species evidently must not appropriate, on an average, any more than the surplus and excess of individuals upon which it preys, for if it does so, it will continu- ously diminish its own food supply, and thus indirectly, but surely, exterminate itself. The interests of both parties will therefore be best served by an adjustment of their respective rates of multiplication, such that the species devoured shall furnish an excess of numbers to supply the wants of the devourer, and that the latter shall confine its appropriations to the excess thus furnished. We thus see there is really a close community of interest [sic] be- tween these two seemingly deadly foes." Kropotkin's writings (1902) on mutual aid are still quoted, perhaps more fre- quently by less critical students, and, to- gether with the teachings of Geddes and Thompson, serve to round out the develop- ments in this aspect of ecology at the turn of the century. Needless to say, the new century opened with the emphasis still centered upon the individual and his prob- lems rather than upon the group, whether as a community, a more closely knit bio- coenosis, a population, or a mere aggrega- tion of organisms. Despite the development of the coopera- tive idea by Delage and Goldsmith (1912), Reinheimer (1913), and Patten (1916), the turn toward present day emphasis on the importance of natural cooperation did not come until about the beginning of the 1920's; this development will be traced in the following chapter. During the second half of the nineteenth century considerable attention was given to the phenomenon of symbiosis, more, it seems, as an oddity in an egocentric world than as an indication of any general under- lying biological principle. The writings of Van Beneden and of Oskar Hertwig illus- trate the point. Later, in the first decades of the present century, Kammerer and Deegener, among others, saw the more general implications of widespread sym- biosis. THE NATURALISTS Ecologists have not usually been greatly concerned with biological theory. Converse- ly, they have kept their feet planted, as firmly as the often slippery substratum would permit, on the soil or in the mud and water of field experience. This tend- ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 33 ency is by no means new, but stems rather from the long line of excellent naturalists, whether travelers or stay-at-homes, who contributed much to the background of the subject. This is not the place to set forth the needed history of natural history; combined with what has aheady been said on the subject, the barest outline must suf- fice. Basic as is their service to ecology, we must pass over the host of taxonomists of the latter half of the nineteenth century, except as they contributed directly to eco- logical observation. The contributions of the Greek, Roman, and earlier natxiraHsts of northern Europe have already been mentioned. The writings of many others have been or will be dis- cussed in other connections. We want to call attention to such observations as those fur- nished by Martin (1698), who gave an early description of the breeding and some- thing of the populations of the sea birds of St. Kilda in the Outer Hebrides, and to those of White (1789), who described the natural history of his native village of Selborne. The varied contributions of explorers and collectors hke Bates, Belt, and Hum- boldt, and of observers hke Fabre, Forel, and the Peckhams, to name no more, are not limited merely to the background of modern ecology; then: observations often emerge into the foreground. Wallace's Island Life and Malay Archi- pelago, Bates' Naturalist on the Amazons, Belt's Naturalist in Nicaragua, Fabre's fascinating accounts of the habits of insects of the countryside in France, Audubon's recently reprinted Birds of North America and Brehm's From North Pole to Equator, with his greatly expanded Tierlehen— again to name no more— are still desirable reading for any alert animal ecologist. Louis Agassiz, the many-sided naturalist, played an important role in laying the foundation on which ecology was later built. In 1846, when he was almost forty years old, Agassiz came to America from his native Switzerland with an established reputation based on teaching and on much scholarly work with fossil and Living fishes and on his study of glaciers. His later scientific work was also of high quahty. In America, Agassiz had an extraordinary career as a naturahst both at home and on expeditions. His influence as a lecturer and above all as a teacher revivified the study of nature in this country and made naturalists more respected members of many com- munities. He taught the men who in turn trained the pioneer American ecologists. His final success was with a summer seaside laboratory on Penikese Island off Woods Hole, Massachusetts, established in 1873, the year after Anton Dolirn completed the first building of the zoological station at Naples. Agassiz at the Penikese laboratory exerted an influence on American biology out of all proportion to the length of the short summer session in this, the last year of his Hfe." The naturaUsts of the later decades of the nineteenth century rounded out certain phases of ecology or of allied subjects in approximately their present form. Thus the zoogeographical regions of the world, out- fined on the basis of the taxonomic relation- ships of animals, and the smaller faunal areas of North America and Europe re- main on the maps much as the nineteenth century naturafists left them. Though often used, especially by nonecologists, the limits of Merriam's fife zones have undergone only sHght change since early in the present cen- tury, and, moisture considerations aside (see p. 114), they appear in modern works much as Merriam outlined them in the 1890's. The whole vast field of tlie recipro- cal relations between flowers and pollina- tion by insects was largely estabhshed in its present form by the eighteenth and nineteenth century naturafists (cf. MiiUer, 1883; Knuth, 1898-1905). Fortunately for ecology, robust work in natural history still continues in the twen- tieth century and will be discussed in the next chapter. • Many marine biological laboratories have arisen as a direct or indirect result of the last- ing success of Dohrn's "Stazione Zoologica" at Naples and of the influence of Agassiz's meteoric venture at Penikese. The Marine Bio- logical Laboratory at Woods Hole is the direct descendant of the latter. We wish to record our judgment that many of these laboratories, despite their favorable locations, have not as yet had an important direct influence on the development of ecological science. The more recently established "Oceanographic Institu- tion," also at Woods Hole, is becoming an exception in its relation to the marine ecology of the future. The much more humble labora- tories scattered about the fresh waters of Europe and the United States have been more consistently important in ecological research. 34 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY THE COMMUNITY CONCEPT Recognition of the existence of com- munities of living organisms in nature is not new. As shown earlier in this chapter, the idea dates back to the classical Greeks. In the modern period, according to Braun- Blanquet (1932), Heer (1835), Lecoq (1854), Sendtner (1854), and Kerner (1863), all sought to understand the basic causes of the interrelations of certain plants, and Kerner "brought even to the laymen an understanding of the principal plant communities of Austria-Hungary to the environment." Clements (1905) traced recognition of the plant formation to Grisebach (1838), who recognized it as the fundamental fea- ture of vegetation. Earlier writers, Cle- ments continues, "notably Linne (1737, 1751), Biberg (1749), and Hedenberg (1754), had perceived this relation more or less clearly, but failed to reduce it to a definite guiding principle." Clements adds that the acceptance of the "formation" as a unit of vegetation took place slowly, but this point of view came to be more and more prevalent as a result of the work of Kerner (1863), and a half-dozen others, in- cluding Warming (1889)." Clements and Shelf ord (1939) state that "the idea of the plant community in general extends back- ward for nearly two centuries," and, as re- gards the biotic community, "Post (1868) recognized that the organic world should be dealt with in its entirety, but seems to have had no definite idea of the community as a unit." Darwin's recognition of the web of life concept has akeady been mentioned. His famous illustration of the relationship be- tween the number of cats and the amount of clover seed in an English community illustrates his understanding of possible in- tracommunity relationships. Saint-Hilaire (1859) foreshadowed the concept, and Haeckel (1869), in his classical definition of "Oecology," also vaguely recognized the existence of communities. Edward Forbes (1843-1844), in study- ing the animal distribution in British wa- ters and the Aegean Sea, discovered "prov- inces of Depth" which "are distinguished • Warming's bibliography in the 1909 edi- tion of his Oecology of Plants does not list a title for 1889 among his thirteen publications between 1869 and 1894, inclusive. from each other by the associations of the species they severally include. Cer- tain species in each are found in no other; several are found in one region which do not range into the next above, whilst they extend to that below, or vice versa. Certain species have their maximum of develop- ment in each zone, being most prolific in individuals in that zone in which is their maximum, and of which they may be re- garded as especially characteristic. Mingled with the true natives of every zone are stragglers, owing their presence to the sec- ondary influences which modify distribu- tion." Forbes clearly recognized the dynamic aspect of the interrelations between organ- isms and their environment. He stated liis conclusions as follows (1843, p. 173): "The eight regions in depth are the bcene of incessant change. The death of the indi- viduals of the several species inhabiting them, the continual accession, deposition and some- times washing away of sediment and coarser deposits, the action of the secondary influences and the changes of elevation which appear to be periodically taking place in the eastern Mediterranean, are ever modifying their char- acter. As each region shallows or deepens, its animal inhabitants must vary in specific asso- ciations, for the depression which may cause one species to dwindle and die will cause another to multiply. The animals themselves, too, by their over-multiplication, appear to be the cause of their own specific destruction. As the influence of the nature of the sea-bottom determines in a great measiure the species pres- ent on that bottom, the multiplication of individuals dependent on the rapid reproduc- tion of successive generations of MoUusca, etc., will of itself change the ground and render it unfit for the continuation of life in that lo- cality until a new layer of sedimentary matter, uncharged with living organic contents, depos- ited on the bed formed by the exuviae of the exhausted species, forms a fresh soil for simi- lar or other animals to thrive, attain their maximum, and from the same cause die oflF." This is an early, perhaps the first, state- ment of ecological dynamics, a subject much emphasized in recent decades (see p. 563). Elsewhere, Forbes (1844) regarded self- produced, local destruction of a species as a kind of "rotation of crops" and shows clearly that he was more concerned with the alternation of fossihferous and nonfos- siHferous geological strata than with the processes that we now know are connected ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 35 with the biotic control of some important phases of ecological succession. The subdivision of the Httoial region of the ocean into faunal provinces, as Dana (1852, 1853), Packard (1863), and VerriU (1866) have done for Atlantic coastal waters, is based primarily on the observed distribution of species and groups of species and secondarily on physical factors such as temperature and geographic features such as capes. From the most southern Floridian, through the Carohnian, Virginian, and Acadian, to the most northern Syrtensian province, the geographic faunas of these naturalists suggest the biomes (biotic for- mations) of more recent workers (cf. Shel- ford et al., 1935). If proposed today, they might be designated by biological terms to suggest their taxonomic composition, rather than by geographic names that suggest their distribution. We now know that this is the historical background against which to view the re- markable work of VerriU and Smith (1874) which, despite the praise given by Adams (1913), did not receive the recognition or have the influence among ecologists that it merited. They found "three quite distinct assemblages of animal hfe, which are de- pendent upon and Umited by definite physi- cal conditions of the waters which they inhabit." These three primary groupings were: (1) the animals of the bays and sounds; (2) those of the estuaries and other brackish waters; and (3) those of the cold waters of the ocean shores and outer chan- nels. In each of these assemblages, VerriU and Smith recognized that certain kinds of ani- mals are restricted to particular localities because of their relation to the character of the bottom or of the shore. "Thus," they say, "there will be species, or even large groups of species, which inhabit only rocky shores; . . . others that prefer the clean gravelly bottoms where the water is several fathoms deep." These may be still further divided. The mud, for example, has differ- ent characteristics in different places, and "the different kinds are often inhabited by different groups of animals." In describing the animals that Uve in these habitats, they report: "It has not been found desirable to mention, in this part of the report [the gen- eral discussion], all the species found in each, but only those that appear to be most abundant and important." They also knew that the population during the day differed from that found at night in the same spot and that there were seasonal changes as weU. This somewhat extended report of VerriU and Smith's work indicates correctly that they were impressed with the organization of communities upon the basis of their rela- tion with their physical habitat rather than as a result of interrelations between constit- uent organisms. The latter were not im- known to them, for, among other instances, they state that "SheUs of oysters provide suitable attachment for various shells, bry- ozoans, ascidians, hydroids, sponges, etc., which could not otherwise maintain their existence on muddy bottoms, while other kinds of animals such as crabs, annehds, etc., find shelter between the sheUs or in their interstices." Thus VerriU and Smith saw certain of the interrelationships that exist on an oyster bank. A few years later Mobius (1877) wrote of these in greater detail; his much-quoted passage wiU be repeated here (from the 1883 translation) both because of its his- torical significance and because of its dis- tinctly modem tone. "Every oyster-bed is thus, to a certain de- gree, a community of living beings, a coUection of species and a massing of individuals, which find here everything necessary for their growth and continuance, such as suitable soil, sulficient food, the requisite percentage of salt, and a temperature favorable to their development. Each species which lives here is represented by the greatest number of individuals which can grow to matiu-ity subject to the conditions which surround them, for among all species the number of individuals which arrive at ma- turity at each breeding period is much smaller than the number of germs produced at that time. The total number of individuals of all the species living together in any region is the sum of the survivors of aU the germs which have been produced at all past breeding or brood periods; and this sum of matured germs represents a certain quantum of Hfe which enters into a certain number of individuals, and which, as does all life, gains permanence by means of transmission. Science possesses, as yet, no word by which such a community of living beings may be designated; no word for a com- munity where the sum of species and individ- uals, beings mutually limited and selected un- der the average external conditions of life, have, by means of transmission continued in possession of a certain definite territory. I pro- pose the word Biocoenosis for such a com- 36 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY munity. Any change in any of the relative fac- tors of a bioconose produces changes in other factors of the same. If, at any time, one of the external conditions of hfe should deviate for a long tune from the ordinary mean, the entire bioconose, or community, would be trans- formed. It would also be transformed, if the number of individuals of a particular species increased or diminished through the instru- mentahty of man, or if one species entirely disappeared from, or a new species entered into, the community." S. A. Forbes (1887) apparently took over and expanded the ideas of Mbbius. The quotation already given (p. 32) shows that Forbes recognized a "close community of interest" even between predators and prey in a community. Warming (1895) saw the unity of plant communities as a result of his study of the vegetation of Danish dunes. Braun-Blanquet, disregarding the zoological studies we have just reviewed, ranks Warm- ing's work as the most important landmark in the development of community ecology since that of Heer. In one important re- spect, this estimate is just: modern com- munity studies have mainly been stimulated by Warming's findings rather than by those of his zoological predecessors, Edward Forbes, Verrill, Mobius, and S. A. Forbes. Communities may be integrated by the requirements imposed by a uniform, cir- cumscribed habitat as well as by the mutual uiteractions between organisms such as those that characterize a biocoenosis. The two kinds of integration do not necessarily yield similar results. Caves furnish one of the striking examples of a unity imposed by the habitat. Interest in cave hfe was strong in the Darwinian period of the last century. Attention was focussed particularly on the origin and evolution of cave faunas. This involved a consideration of adaptations, especially those of sense organs, the migra- tion of preadapted animals into caves, the degeneration of eyes and other features, and the conditions of existence to be met there. Food habits of cave animals, including what we now call food chains, and ultimate sources of food were also studied. Absolon in Europe, and Packard and Eigenmann in America, engaged in such investigations. The summaries of progress to date and bibhographies by Packard (1888, 1894) indicate that a fair knowledge of the gen- eral relations of cave animals had been attained by the closing years of the nine- teenth century. Active work along the same Hues continued into the new century (see p. 48) and will be critically dis- cussed in the section on Evolution. Quantitative studies of the plants and animals of a given community appear to date from the work Hensen began in 1882, the results of which were published in the latter part of 1887. Hensen was primarily interested in two questions: (1) What quantities of hving plankton organisms does the sea contain in a given area at a certain time? And (2) how does the quantity of plankton vary from place to place and from time to time? He attempted to find answers to these questions by collecting plankton quantitatively by means of small- meshed nets drawn through a known vol- ume of water. A large and critical Hterature soon de- veloped, much too voluminous and compU- cated for us to review thoroughly. An early summary is given by Johnstone (1908), and some of the more important papers are fisted by Adams (1913) in his excel- lent annotated bibhographies. Hensen's work at once stirred up con- troversy. Haeckel (1890) doubted the vafidity of Hensen's conclusions in a mem- oir done in his usual attractive style, to which Hensen (1891) repfied effectively. Kofoid (1897), though also engaging in quantitative studies, dissented from Hen- sen's conclusions, and Lohmann (1901) undertook to show that Kofoid had not understood the nature of the method he criticized. Kofoid (1903) gave an excellent and detailed report on a quantitative study of the plankton of the Ilfinois River. In fact, quantitative as well as quafitative plankton studies flourished to such an ex- tent that Shelford used to warn his classes in the early years of the present century that ecology was not a synonym for plank- ton study. Quantitative methods were soon appfied to the investigation of communities of the inshore bottom of the ocean by Petersen (1893 and later) and to those of the land by Pound and Clements (1898), Dahl (1898), and others. HYDROBIOLOGY Discussion of the rise of self-conscious ecology will be delayed only for a brief further consideration of the development of hydrobiology or, more exactly, of its ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 37 components, oceanography and limnology. These subjects are concerned with all mat- ters that apply closely to oceans, bays, gulfs, and seas on the one hand, and to inland waters, especially lakes, ponds, and streams of fresh water on the other. Forel (1892) called oceanography and limnology sister subjects, and such they remain, with a close family resemblance, but without hav- ing fused into a unified science. In so far as oceanography and hmnology deal with organisms in relation to their aquatic environment, or with bodies of water as an environment of living things, they are a part of ecology. In so far as these subjects are concerned with physical or chemical features such as depth, waves, currents or types of bottom, or with the chemical composition of the water, as items of interest in themselves, they have a rela- tion to ecology similar to that of soil science or physiography on land or of meteorology for the world in general. The history of the earhest knowledge concerning animal life in water coincides with much of the early development of biology in general, and its relation to the early history of ecology has already been traced (p. 14 ff). Attention was focussed on the larger aquatic animals, especially on the fishes of relatively shallow waters. The gradual accumulation of information re- garding these animals in relation to their surroundings came mainly from the expand- ing lore of the fisherman. Larger aspects of oceanography, and to some extent of lim- nology, too, were developed from the needs of navigation. Study of the smaller organisms in water dates from Leeuwenhoek's improvement of the microscope (1632-1723). He himself discovered rotifers and Protista. During the century and more immediately after Leeu- wenhoek a motley assortment of men with diverse backgrounds devoted themselves to the study of the taxonomy and natural his- tory of small aquatic organisms. Many of these students of aquatic microscopy seem to have been curious about the Infusoria, much as we are today about aquatic bacteria. This exploratory period reached a note- worthy stage in the work of Ehrenberg, who, among his other contributions, began a transition to aspects of microbiology more closely related to modem interests. Murray (1895, p. 77) says of him: "In 1836 Ehrenberg produced his first works." His name will remain inseparably connected with the discoveries relating to the microscopic organisms of the sea. . . . One salient point may be dwelt on, viz., the con- nection he established between certain classes of living microscopic organisms and the part they played in geological times. . . . His ob- servations exercised a great influence on the study of micro-organisms, whose role in nature is in an inverse ratio to their size." Johannes Miiller started the next ad- vance when, about 1845, he began to use a tow net to obtain samples of small marine organisms from the North Sea. It remained for Lilljeborg and Sars to recognize for the first time the existence of a pelagic fauna. Needham and Lloyd (1916) make the fol- lowing comment concerning this discovery: "Lilljeborg and Sars . . . found a whole fauna and flora, mostly microscopic— a well adjusted society of organisms, vidth its produc- ing class of synthetic [sic] plant forms and its consuming class of animals; and among the animals, all the usual social groups, herbivors and camivors, parasites and scavengers. Later, this assemblage of minute free-swimming or- ganisms was named plancton. After its discov- ery the seas could no longer be regarded as 'barren wastes of water;' for they had been found teeming with life." Lohmann (1912, p. 22) states that dur- ing the 1840's Ehrenberg, the Enghsh bot- anist Hooker, and the Danish naturalist Orstedt, taken together, recognized the role of diatoms and desmids in the nutrition of marine animals. They also found that these plants and the radiolarian protozoans are important in the formation of deposits on the ocean floor (cf. Coker, 1947) Lamport (1910) cites numerous papers by each of these pioneers, the earliest of which was published by Lilljeborg in 1853. Hensen (1887) proposed the modem term "plankton" for this assemblage of floating organisms; his development of quantitative plankton studies has already been discussed (p. 36). OCEANOGRAPHYt According to Edward Forbes (1844), the naturalist's dredge is a modification of the * Ehrenberg had actually published in 1830 and 1832. f More detailed discussion of the history of oceanography is given by Murray (1895), Murray and Hjort (1912), Herdman (1923), and Coker (1947). 38 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY fisherman's oyster dredge and was first used in biological research by the Italians, Mar- siU and Donati, and after them by Soldani, about the middle of the eighteenth century. These men "sought to explain the arrange- ment and disposition of organic remains in the strata of their country by an examina- tion of the distribution of Hving beings on the bed of the Adriatic Sea." The dredge was introduced in more northern waters by a Dane, O. F. Miiller, in 1799 as a means for general exploration of the sea bottom (Herdman, 1923). Reports on the presence of animals in the bottom deposits of the deeper waters of the ocean appear to date from the records of Sir John Ross (1819), who reported on four deep-sea "soundings" made during his voyage to Baffin's Bay in 1817-18. Samples were obtained with a device of his own invention that brought up a quantity of the bottom deposits. Worms were taken at depths of 6000 feet, and both worms and other forms were secured from depths of 2700 feet and more. He also found a star- fish attached to his line at least 2400 feet below the surface. A few years later Risso (1826) described a "bathybial" fish fauna that extended to 350 fathoms (2100 feet) in the Gulf of Genoa. Such information did not become widely distributed, since the announcement by James Clark Ross (1847) of animals taken at a depth of 2400 feet and even at 6000 feet during his Antarctic expedition of 1839-40 was hailed as a new and important discovery. In 1839 the British Association for the Advancement of Science appointed a com- mittee to encourage dredging operations. Edward Forbes was a leading spirit. His "provinces of depth" have already been outlined (p. 34)). Among the other con- clusions given by Forbes (1844), the fol- lowing are pertinent here: "The number of species is much less in the lower zones than in the upper. Vegetables dis- appear below a certain depth, and the diminu- tion in the number of animal species indicates a zero not far distant. . . . "The greater part of the sea is far deeper than the point zero; consequently, the greater part of deposits forming, will be void of or- ganic remains. "Animals having the greatest ranges in depth have usually a great geographical, or else a great geological range, or both." The conclusion concerning the existence of a depth zero of Hfe became a matter of controversy. Often the zero point was lo- cated at about 300 fathoms (1800 feet), and, as we have akeady seen, it was dis- credited as a generahzation for animal hfe before it was first announced. This did not prevent the matter from becoming a focal point for exploration of the deeper waters of the oceans. Mistaken observations or in- terpretations, if not overweighted with au- thority, may be stimulating. A dramatic history of scientific progress could be writ- ten in terms of known human errors and their final correction. The existence of a universal azoic zone was not disproved until the dredgings of the Challenger expedition (1873-76) brought up bottom-dwelling ani- mals from the greatest depths reached. For plankton, as we shall see, the doctrine lingered still longer. Many factors contributed to a strong movement for oceanographic research from the 1830's to 1900 and beyond. This was the great era of oceanographic expeditions, motivated in part by the kind of general scientific curiosity that provides support for astronomical observatories. A recurrent specific curiosity that runs through much of the history we are tracing focusses on the relation between present day submarine de- posits and the fossiliferous strata in ter- restrial rocks. These more abstract interests were reenforced by the need for practical information in connection \vith laying and maintaining transoceanic cables, by the continued and gro\ving interest in fisheries, and in the problems concerned with naviga- tion. After certain initial success, there was added the drive of strong nationalistic com- petition, shared by most of the great mari- time nations. Among the most prominent of the natu- ralists closely connected with expeditions wholly or in part concerned with oceanog- raphv, we mav name Charles Darwin on the Beasle (1831-36). J- D- Dana on the Porpoise (1836-39), Joseph Hooker with the Erehus and Terror (1839-43) and T. H. Huxley on the Rattlesnake (1846- 50). This incomplete list serves to call at- tenb'on to the high quality of men who, early in their scientific careers, were ex- posed to the opportunities for work and re- flection afforded by such expeditions. Ex- perience gained on these voyages left a ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 39 strong mark on the later thinking of these men, and their own high (juality exerted a profound influence on the further develop- ment of biological oceanography. M. F. Maury, an important pioneer in oceanic research, especially as concerns the meteorological problems of navigation, was also interested in marine biology. He pub- lished the first bathymetrical map of the North Atlantic in the 1854 edition of his book. Explanations and Sailing Directions to Accompany the Wind and Current Charts. In this map he drew contour lines for 1000, 2000, 3000 and 4000 fathoms. He cor- rectly thought that most of the bottom de- posits away from land came from the skele- tons of animals that five near the sea sur- face, but was mistaken in thinking that the conditions in the deep sea made hfe im- possible in ocean depths. A paragraph from his writings will give some of his reasoning (1858, p. 174): "Does any portion of the shells which Brooke's sounding rod brings up from the bot- tom of the deep sea live there; or are they all the remains of those that lived near the surface in the light and heat of sun, and were buried at the bottom of the deep after death? . . . The facts, as far as they go, seem to favor the one conjecture nearly as well as the other. Under these circumstances I am inclined, however, to the anti-biotic hypothesis, and chiefly because it would seem to conform bet- ter with the Mosaic account of creation. The sun and the moon were set in the firmament before the waters were commanded to bring forth the living creature; and hence we infer that light and heat are necessary to the creation and preservation of marine life, and since the light and heat of the sun cannot reach to the bottom of the deep sea, my own conclusion, in the absence of positive evidence upon the sub- ject, has been the habitat of these mites of things hauled up from the bottom of the great deep is at and near the surface. On the con- trary, others maintain, and perhaps with equal reason, the biotic side of the question. Profes- sor Ehrenberg, of Berhn, is of this latter class." Maury then gives an exchange of letters be- tween Ehrenberg and himself in which the pros and cons of the matter are stated fairly and without heat. G. C. WalUch, naturahst on the Bulldog, summarized the opposite point of view in 1862 in statements that Murray thought sufficiently significant to quote in the his- torical pages of his summary for the Chal- lenger reports (1895, p. 95). He begins the list with the assertion that "The conditions prevailing at great depths, although differing materially from those which pre\ail near the surface of the ocean, are not incompatible with the maintenance of animal life" and concludes that "The discovery of even a single species liv- ing normally at great depths warrants the in- ference that the deep sea has its own special fauna, and that it has always had it in ages past, and hence that many fossiliferous strata, heretofore regarded as having been deposited in comparatively shallow water, have been de- posited at great depths " Herdman (1923) devoted separate chap- ters to the following men as founders of oceanography: Edward Forbes, Wyville Thompson, John Murray, Louis and Alex- ander Agassiz, Albert Honore Charles, Prince of Monaco, and Anton Dohrn of the Zoological Station at Naples. The work of Edward Forbes has already been discussed, and Murray has been repeatedly mentioned. Thompson was the active leader of the Challenger expedition (1873-76), the ob- ject of which was the scientific exploration of the sea with regard to physical, chem- ical, geological, and biological conditions. The scientific results were pubHshed in fifty large quarto volumes, prepared mainly un- der the editorship of John Murray, himself one of the naturahsts of the expedition. The reports were written by notable speciahsts; Murray later singled out the work of Haeckel on the Radiolaria as being espe- cially outstanding. It is difficult even yet to evaluate the full importance of the contri- butions made by this great voyage of oceanographic exploration. The reports re- main a half-forgotten mine of information. Among his many other activities, Louis Agassiz made dredgings and soundings off the coast of Florida and came to some sig- nificant conclusions on the permanence of the ocean basins. This matter is still the center of a warm controversy, and a quo- tation from Agassiz (1869, p. 368) is help- ful in giving historical perspective: "From what I have seen of the deep-sea bottom, I am already led to infer that among the rocks forming the bulk of the stratified crust of our globe, from the oldest to the youngest formation, there are probably none 40 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY which have been formed in very deep vi^aters. If this be so, we shall have to admit that the areas now respectively occupied by our conti- nents, as circumscribed by the two hundred fathom curve or thereabout, and the oceans, at greater depth, have from the beginning retained their relative outhne and position; the continents having at aU times been areas of gradual upheaval with comparatively shght oscillations of rise and subsidence, and the oceans at aU times areas of gradual depres- sion with equally shght oscillations." Alexander Agassiz, son of Louis, is much more closely identified with oceanographic expeditions and with oceanography in gen- eral than is his more famous father. His work is associated with the cruises of the Blake and the Albatross. His active con- nection with oceanography extended from 1877 to 1905 and included both general exploration by dredges and nets and much study of the coral reef problem. The con- clusions reached by Alexander Agassiz con- cerning the origin of coral reefs were di- rectly opposed to the subsidence theory of Charles Darwin. After a great deal of search, the younger Agassiz could not find an atoll or barrier reef the formation of which, he thought, could be adequately explained by Darwin's subsidence theory. He also concluded as a result of extensive dredging that the benthic animals of the Caribbean Sea are more closely related to the deep-sea animals of the Gulf of Panama than to those of the deep Atlantic, a con- clusion that has stood the test of time to date. His book (1888) deserves especial mention. As a result of working with a tow net that could be opened and closed under water at any depth, Alexander Agassiz modified somewhat the old idea of an azoic depth zone. He thought that there were practically no plankton organisms in the vast intermediate waters of the ocean below a depth of about 200 fathoms until one came near the bottom. Murray and others disagreed, and on this note of friendly dif- ference of opinion the nineteenth century closed with the azoic zone problem consid- erably modified, but still alive. We may properly overstep the time limit for the present chapter and bring this particular matter down to 1934 by a quotation from Krogh (p. 430) : "The number and total mass of organisms decreases very rapidly with the depth. This has been estabhshed again and again both for net- plankton and for nannoplankton organisms and is well illustrated by the figures given by Hentschel for the number of nannoplankton organisms present in 1 liter of ocean water in the area 0-10° S and 10-20° W in the At- lantic: Surface, 10,100; 50m., 9400; 100m., 2700; 400m., 260; 1000m., 90; 2000m., 50; 3000m., 18; 5000m., 15." While the plankton population is much re- duced, there is no completely azoic region indicated by these data. Herdman (1923, p. Ill) quotes John Murray's estimate of Alexander Agassiz's influence on oceanography as follows: "If we can say that we now know the physical and biological conditions of the great ocean basins in their broad general outhne— and I believe we can do so— the present state of our knowledge is due to the combined work and observations of a great many men belonging to many nationalities, but most probably more to the work and inspiration of Alexander Agassiz than to any other single man." This estimate, which has the approval of two excellent students of the subject, may help rescue the son from the comparative obscurity produced by the shadow of his father. Alexander Agassiz's last studies and his last expedition in the Albatross came in the early years of the present century; hence we have reached the end of the period to be covered in the present chapter. The ecological problems of the ocean had been outlined before 1900, and many of them were well advanced toward solution. With some notable exceptions, such as Mobius' recognition of the oyster bed as a biocoenosis, the possible ecological impHca- tions of these studies had not been emphasized. LIMNOLOGY* The development of limnology lagged be- hind that of oceanography, as shown by the fact that Forel (1892), in the first vol- ume of his monograph on Le Leman (Lake Geneva, Switzerland), defined hmnology as the oceanography of lakes. Despite much good work on the taxonomy and natural history of fresh-water organisms, it re- mained for P. E. Miiller (1870), a Dane, to recognize the existence of a pelagic planktonic fauna in lakes, such as Lilljeborg • Short historical sketches of limnology are given by Lampert (1910) and Welch (1935). ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND GROWTH BEFORE 1900 41 and Sars had found in the Baltic Sea (p. 37), This advance was based on a trip to the Swiss lakes in 1868. Beginning analyses of physical conditions in lakes preceded Miiller's announcement. Simony was a pioneer in such studies; as early as 1850 he had reported in some detail concerning thermal stratification in lakes. Forel is regarded as the founder of lim- nology, not because his work was chronolog- ically first, but because of its long-contin- ued significance. His paper of 1869 dealing with the bottom fauna of Le Leman, though not his initial publication, set the stage for his Hfe work. His prolonged study of Swiss lakes reached a peak with the appearance of the three successive volumes of his mon- ograph Le Leman (1892, 1895, 1904). Forel's generalizations, in the form of the first comprehensive discussion of limnol- ogy, were published just after the close of the period covered by the present chapter and are specifically noted in the following one (p. 47). The contributions of Forel include the first demonstration of a deep-water com- munity in lakes, the setting up of the first complete limnological plan for the study of a lake, and, what is more important, its practical realization. Welch, in the index to his 1935 textbook of limnology, cites the work of only three men more frequent- ly than that of Forel: Juday, Birge, and Shelford, in that order. Lampert's summary (1910, p. 13) of Forel's historical status in limnology gives some interesting comparisons. In free translation he says; Without reducing the merit of the lesser investigators, who like Forel recognized the significance of sys- tematic fresh-water research and of whom especially Weismann [August Weismann of germ plasm fame], Du Plessis-Gouret, and Fritsch must be mentioned, we may still date the beginnings of limnology as a science from Forel's 1869 paper. Weismann's contributions to limnology began in 1877. Du Plessis-Gouret, who had already published jointly with Forel, wrote in 1885 of the profundal fauna of Swiss lakes, and Anton Fritsch, among other con- tributions, established in 1888 the first fresh-water biological station. This was a portable laboratory with at first some 12 square meters of floor space. The laboratory was set up on the shores of three different lakes in the Bohemian Forest before 1899." The dredging operations in Lake Su- perior, made by S. I. Smith in 1871 and reported at length in 1874, deserve men- tion. He apphed to Lake Superior many of the methods used by Verrill and Smith in their work on the invertebrate life of Vineyard Sound (p. 35) and reports, among other data, a table showing the bathymetrical distribution of the species taken. This promising opening of limnolog- ical studies on the Great Lakes has not yet been adequately developed. Limnological work, once begun, flour- ished greatly in Europe and on the smaller lakes and rivers in the United States. Such investigations were in full swing in the last decade of the nineteenth century. Early quantitative studies in this field have already been discussed. Kofoid's in- vestigations of plankton in the IlHnois River (1903) were carried on from 1894 to 1899 and again deserve mention. A number of comprehensive bibliogra- phies of limnological work have appeared, two notable ones before 1900. Lampert's first edition of his Das Leben der Binnen- gewdsser (1899) contained a fairly com- prehensive bibliography. In the same year there appeared a workman-like review by H. B. Ward of advances during the years from 1893 to 1898. This review contains a bibliography of thirty-eight closely printed pages of citations to work pubhshed during this brief interval. Its pages remind us that the relict fauna of Tanganyika and of Baikal were being studied, as were also problems concerning the origin and dis- persal of fresh-water animals. Cave life was receiving attention, and Ward states (1899, p. 332) that "Lorenzi, Packard, and Len- denfeld have given summaries of our knowledge regarding cave animals with frequent references both morphological and ecological \sic'\ to the freshwater fauna of such localities." From this bibliography of Ward's we find that the veterans were busy during the half-decade under consideration. They are represented by men like Sars and Forel. Many of the stalwarts of twentieth century limnology had also begun work. Birge was " Fritsch's "portable laboratory" was made in eighty sections so that it could be dismantled in an hour and a half^ moved to another lake and set up again in two and a half hours. It weighed about 1000 kg. (personal communica- tion from Chancey Juday). 42 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY writing about Cladocera, about limnetic Crustacea of Lake Mendota, and about the relation of areas of inland lakes and the temperature of the water. Juday, who had not yet established his productive scientific partnership with Birge, reported in 1896 on the plankton of Turkey Lake in Indiana. Reighard of Michigan; Wes- enberg-Lund, student of Danish lakes; Zschokke, who studied Alpine lakes of Switzerland; and Apstein, prominent for his work on the plankton of the Holstein lakes, are all cited by Ward. Zacharias, founder of the enduring biological station at Plon, Germany, was especially prolific during these years of the 1890's, while Whipple, and Ward himself, contributed extensively. The development of limnology, far from being at the end of a period, was in full and active growth in 1900. Limnology had already made direct contact with ecology, notably in Forbes' essay The Lake as a Microcosm. Although the subjects had by no means fused, the development of mod- em, self-conscious ecology owes much to the groundwork laid by the pioneers in lim- nology and oceanography, that is, to the sound development of knowledge concern- ing hydrobiology before 1900. THE RISE OF SELF-CONSCIOUS ECOLOGY The foregoing pages give in some detail samples of the substrata on which self- conscious ecology developed. Certain of the persons mentioned were directly important in the early growth of the subject in the strict sense; many were not. It is customary to begin the schematized textbook sketches of the history of ecology with the \vritings of Buffon, who lived from 1707 to 1788 and emphasized, among many other interests, the interrelations of organisms. Saint Hilaire (1859) clearly outlined the scope of such relationships under the name of "ethology," which he conceived of as including "the study of the relations of the organism with- in the family and society in the aggregate and in the community." John Stuart Mill (1848) in his Lo^ic antedated St. Hilaire in using the word "ethology," by which he meant the science of human character. It has been argued that since the character of an organism is revealed only through its reaction to the environment, there is no essential difference between human and other aspects of "ethology." Haeckel (1869) coined the term "Oekol- ogie," from which the modern "ecology" has been derived. He defined the content of his Oekologie as "comprising the relation of the animal to its organic as well as its in- organic environment, particularly its friend- ly or hostile relations to those animals or plants with which it comes in contact." Semper (1881) distinguished between the physiology of organs and that of organisms; the latter is concerned, he says, with the "reciprocal relations which adjust the bal- ance between the existence of any species and the natural, external conditions of its existence, in the widest sense of the term." Lankester (1889) under the term bio- nomics included a miscellany that contained the lore of the hunter and herdsman, the science of breeding, and the study of or- ganic adaptation. A few other terms have been suggested for these or related phases of biology, but none is important, except the tendency, which still continues, to des- ignate much of ecology as "biology." We read of the "biology" of a snail or of a "bio- logical" survey, when the treatment is mainly ecological. This usage is to be deplored. Subdivisions of the subject matter of ecology began at an early date. Schroter and Kirchner (1896, 1902) recognized the ecological relations of the individual as "autecology" and those of communities of organisms as "synecology." As stated earlier, Forbes (1895) formulated a defini- tion of ecology and pointed out that eco- nomic entomology is simply applied ecology. This, then, brings ecology and its fore- runners approximately up to 1900. It is clear that the field was ripe for further development, a development that has pro- ceeded with quickening pace. The situation at that time is correctly summed up by Pearse (1939) as follows: "At the begin- ning of the twentieth century ecology was a young, but an established, science, and such eminent ecologists as Wasmann (1901), Dahl (1901) and Wheeler (1902) were discussing whether Saint-Hilaire's eth- ology or Haeckel's ecology should be used to designate the science of relations of or- ganisms to environments." Ecology was even more firmly established as a special field of botany, for Cowles (1901) began his important report on physiographic ecology with the statement FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 43 that: "Within the last few years the sub- ject of ecology has come to find a place of more or less importance wherever botany is studied in its general aspects." Cowles indirectly documents his point by his Uter- ature citations for 1896 to 1900. The end of the nineteenth century is a convenient, though not a logical, division between the early history of ecology and its more recent development. Unlike tlie modern subject of genetics, which has de- veloped mainly from the spectacular redis- covery of Mendehan heredity in 1900, we can now see that for ecology the years connecting the centuries mark a time of relatively smooth progress. Ecologists of the early 1900's gave praise to Semper for his recognition of the physiology of organisms in relation to "natural conditions of exist- ence," and researches in this field proceeded steadily. Work on ecological aspects of ani- mal behavior was active. Population studies were moving at an increasing rate. Evolu- tionary thought was in gradual transition, with the theory of natural selection, known by some even then to be largely eco- logical, still holding the attention of biol- ogists. Ideas concerning natural coopera- tion were growing. Natural history had passed its peak of activity in university circles, but was directly and broadly re- lated to the preceding years. The same is true for oceanography; the related subject of Hmnology was in the midst of a notable advance. In self-conscious ecology, the community concept had been clearly ex- pressed, and there was active research in animal and particularly plant ecology. Scientific attention in general was focussed on nonecological phases of biology, and the science of ecology, now well and firmly rooted, could continue to develop outside the distorting influences often accompany- ing high popularity. 3. FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY INTRODUCTION At this point let us take stock of what has already been said of the historical ante- cedents and background of ecology. We have covered in considerable detail some 2200 years of ecological history. From the viewpoint of ecology, four general chron- ological periods have been recognized: (1) the contributions of the Greeks and Romans; (2) the subsequent thousand or so years of stagnation; (3) the develop- ments of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centiu-ies that led into (4) the nineteenth century studies. It has been sug- gested that since the Renaissance the major contributions to the growth of ecology oc- curred along four channels: developmental physiology, response physiology, relation of species to their environment, and organic evolution. Enough of a background has been pre- sented to show that ecology had multiple origins. It was descended neither from a single idea nor from isolated facts. The task now confronting us is that of showing how "modern" or twentieth century animal ecol- ogy has come into being and how it is practiced today. There are many ways of approaching this problem. For our purposes it seems best to adopt a chronological treat- ment based roughly on the first four dec- ades of the twentieth century. It will be necessary, particularly in discussing the later decades, to appreciate that even pres- ent day ecology is not so clearly delimited as are, for example, modern genetics or many other biological disciplines. This means that we are compelled to discuss and consider certain borderfine fields. The point is emphasized by examining the "Ecology" section of a recent (1940) issue of Biolog- ical Abstracts; the following subheadings are listed: "General Animal Ecology;" "General Plant Ecology;" "Hydiobiology" (Oceanography, Limnology); "Ecology of Wildhfe Management— Aquatic and Terres- trial," and "BiocHmatology, Biometeorol- ogy-" It is advisable to discuss briefly certain aspects of the history of plant ecology dur- ing the twentieth century before attention is focussed on animal ecology. Plant ecol- ogy got off to a faster start at the turn of the century. Thus, as will be shown later, it had a great impact on the thinking and research of certain pioneer animal ecolo- gists. The development of plant ecology has been reviewed by Conard (1939). Our responsibihty is not to linger on 44 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY plant ecology per se, but to appraise this field as it has provided fact and catalyst for zoological developments. Specific relation- ships will be pointed out further on, but these generalizations emerge: 1. The investigations of early plant ecol- ogists were favored somewhat by the fact that plants are essentially fixed geograph- ically and not greatly subject to rapid dispersal. 2. Plant ecology, naturally enough, de- veloped regionally according to the local resources that could be exploited and studied. 3. Plant ecology gave an early and sig- nificant orientation to animal ecology in several ways: (a) It stressed the fact that communities or complex natural popula- tions exist over the face of the earth and are subject to analysis. This gave a telling impetus to animal synecology. (b) It crys- tallized certain comprehensive ecological concepts such as succession and thus sent animal ecologists out into the field to see if animals also furnished data to support the concept, (c) It developed certain tech- niques of field study that could be used with but minor mocification by the zoolo- gist, (d) It emphasized in an ecological sense the fact that plants stand in an im- portant relation to animals in terms of nutri- tion, breeding, and shelter niches. And, perhaps most important, (e) it gave psy- chological stimulus around the turn of the century by showing the zoologist that first- rate botanists were investigating ecological problems and getting results. In short, the animal ecologist owes much to the plant ecologist in a historical sense, and, on land, he is still dependent on plant ecology for much of his zoogeographic description. Our task now is to discuss the growth of twentieth century animal ecology. We find that by dividing the years from 1900 to 1940 into their four component decades, we can consider each of these decades both as a unit and as an interrelated part of the whole pattern. This is not a completely arbitrary treatment. A case can be made for the point that, during this span, ten years seemed to be about the actual interval for certain types of work to materialize and certain ideas to be synthesized Thus, there is nothing really difi^erent between, say, the years 1910 and 1911 or 1930 and 1931, but there does appear to be a real histor- ical difiEerence between 1900 and 1910 or 1911 and 1920 in terms of the development of animal ecology. Our treatment varies somewhat according to the individuaUty of the decade in ques- tion, but in general we hope to ask, and so far as possible to answer, the following four questions for each: 1. What were the research focal points? 2. Who were some of the leaders in the research fields discussed? 3. What was the historical impact of the work of these men? 4. What grew out of the decade that seemed significant? The reader should keep in mind that the absence of a favored name or citation in the following pages does not necessarily signify that it has been overlooked or deemed un- important. It may mean just that, or, con- trariwise, it may mean merely that there is not enough space for its inclusion. It is necessary to emphasize that in dealing with the foregoing questions we are sampling historical data, and that our sample is not a random one, but is selected. Accordingly, our cases are subject to bias, as, for example, our overemphasis on Amer- ican historical illustrations. From one point of view this is poor technique with obvious limitations. But from another aspect it is sound, since it does permit us to present our notions of what is significant and there- by evaluate ecological history as we see it. With these preliminaries we turn to the first decade of the twentieth century. 1900-1910 During this period of ecological growth, ecological investigations seem to have fallen into the following categories: response phys- iology, developmental and toleration physi- ology, natural history, hydrobiology, suc- cession, and general synecology. These did not originate de novo with the turn of the century. Most of them had antecedents in earlier work, as we have shown. Response physiology, or ecological as- pects of behavior, was studied actively dur- ing this period. Davenport's "Experimental Morphology," the second edition of which appeared in 1908, was still shaping ideas and new researches. This was the period when "trial and error" behavior was much in the scientific headlines. Jenning's classic Behavior of the Lower Organisms (1906) had a firm impact on ecological thinking. It showed that environmental stimuli, even FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 45 if of subtle character, could control an ani- mal's orientation and pattern of movement. Also, it had a si2;nificant influence on the ihinkinci; of biologists generally. The first edition of The Animal Mind by Washburn (1908), to be followed by several further editions, laid certain foundations for the study of animal behavior. There was much writing during the dec- ade on the behavior of a single species, "^his IS well typified by the study by Ray- mond Pearl, whose excellent and original monograph on the behavior of Planaria summarized the state of things at that time iT- these words (1903. p. 511) : "... Aside from the researches of a few investigators on a small number of forms, we have little detailed knowledge of the behaviour of lower organisms. It is coming to be realised, too, that knowledge of what an animal does is just as important in the general study of life phenomena as a knowledge of how it is con- structed, or how it develops." There are also some writings on social behavior. Wheeler's classical book on "Ants" appeared in 1910 (reprinted. 1926) and, through its emphasis on ant behavior, did much to stimulate behavior studies on the social insects and to provoke comparisons, sometimes invidious, between insect and human responses. A paper by Craig (1908) on pigeons suggested that the vocalization of these birds had some function in the social control of the flock. The field of developmental physiology was equally active. It also received impetus from Davenport's summary. Mention of sev- eral studies wall suffice to show the nature of the research of this period. Among others, the works of Bachmetjew (1901, 1901a, 1907) stand out. He not only sum- marized a wealth of literature, but pre- sented as well many original observations and interpretations. Bachmetjew was con- cerned largely with the effect of light and temperature on various phases of the de- velopment and distribution of insects. Prob- ably one of his more significant contribu- tions was his summary of the eflFect of low temperature on insect protoplasm. Chap- man (1931, p. 61) states this in concise form as follows: "The insect may be cooled below the freezing point without being injured. The freezing point may be past, and the insect may exist in an under- cooled condition. When it does freeze, the heat of crystallization will be equal to the undercooling temperature, and the body temperature will rebound to the freezing point. Cooling will again proceed; and when the insect reaches the undercooling point the second time, death follows, ac- cording to Bachmet Jew's conception." More modem views do not completely agree with this interpretation, but in 1901 it was an important pronouncement with cogent ecological implications. Bachmetjew also discoursed on light and temperature in rela- tion to zoogeography. Branching ofi^ from developmental physi- ology is a phase of research that some ecol- ogists designate "toleration physiology" or "toleration ecoloey." In such work the con- cern lies with the limits of toleration for organisms exposed to various intensities of environmental factors or combinations of thesf factors. During the decade 1900 to 19 K'' there were some studies of this type, and an example or so mav be cited. Pack- ard (1905, p. 33) published a paper on the efi^ect of low oxygen tension on sur- vival of certain marine fishes and inverte- brates of the Woods Hole (Massachusetts) area. In addition, he showed that if the blood alkalinity of Ftinduhis heteroclitus was increased, there was a corresponding increase in the tolerance of the fish to lack of oxygen. Contrariwise, increasing the acidity of the blood made the fish less tol- erant of low oxygen tensions. Bachmetjew (1907) recognized this general problem for insects and published a list of extremes of temperature that various insects have been known to tolerate. Another such list ap- peared in Davenport (1908). Natural history has always been inextri- cably interwoven with ecology. In fact, ecology has been called "scientific natural history." Much of the content of ecology is natural history, and the ecologist usually experiences a certain pleasure in observing and recording the "history of nature." But natural history is not a closely definable entity. It may range from superficial and even misleading nature study, to excellent, precise investigation. Earlier in this section we saw how this phase of ecology contrib- uted to the rise of the science. During the decade 1900 to 1910 ex- amples can be chosen that rrm the gamut of type. There were books such as that of Chapman (1900), designed largely for the nature student and amateur. It is hard to 46 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY evaluate the influence of works like this on ecological development. Then there were books such as Seton's Life Histories of Northern Animals (1909). These contrib- uted much that was useful to the ecologist. Seton's book combined a wealth of infor- mation about life histories and habits with an extensive bibliography. Von Neumayer (1906) published his two volume compen- dium on exploration. Adams (1913 p. 63) says of this study: "A very important work, particularly for the traveling naturalist. Chapters by specialists, valuable references on collecting natural history specimens, and other phases of scientific exploration are in- cluded." More technical natural history studies of this period are typified by the papers of Reighard (1903), Andrews (1904), and Forbes (1907). Reighard's paper, on the "Natural His- tory of Amia calva," published as a tribute to the Harvard zoologist Edward Laurens Mark, is an excellent case in point. This author, who worked for four seasons in the millponds of the Huron River, records a wealth of careful observation about this fish. He discusses such aspects as second- ary sexual characters, habits not peculiar to the breeding season, nest-building, guarding of the empty nests by males, guarding the eggs, protective colors of males, history of the eggs and young in the nest, history of the young outside the nest, and the be- havior of the male while with the school. In a historical chapter one need hardly make the point that sound data such as these, multiplied many times to include many dif- ferent animals, are of profound importance both during the decade of their publication and for years afterwards as well. Reighard's paper on Amia drives the point home! The paper of E. A. Andrews on the breeding habits of Cambarus affinis was as thorough a study of an arthropod as that just described was for a vertebrate. An- drews covered much the same sort of observation as did Rei8;hard. In addition, he added some simple biometric linear measurements of the whole animal and cer- tain of its parts that did much to embellish his work. Biometrv was already making its influence felt on ecologv and natural his- torv. In England, Karl Pearson was in the midst of his dynamic career, and in Amer- ica. Ravmond Pearl and C. B. Davenport, to be followed soon bv J. A. Harris, were applying statistical methods to many kinds of data. Studies such as these had the vital importance of forcing ecologists to think in a more analytical fashion about group characteristics. The latter point is even better made by looking at two 1907 papers of S. A. Forbes. This excellent naturalist of ^Vheeler's "com and saleratus" belt did much for ecology starting with his estimable essay. The Lake as a Microcosm (p. 36). In the 1907 stud- ies Forbes discussed the local distribution of Illinois fishes and the bird population of Illinois in autumn. In both papers the reader detects careful observation, apprecia- tion of the natural history of the forms studied and an insistence that numbers as well as names should be listed. In the fish paper Forbes (1907a) develops what he calls the "Coefficient of Association," de- signed to show the frequency with which one species is found associated with another in nature. This statement took the following form: C.A. = ad be where a equals the total number of collec- tions to be used in the computations; b, the number of collections containing the more abundant of two species to be compared with another; c, the number of collections containing the less abundant of these species, and d, the number of collections each of which actually contains both species together. Despite the fact that Forbes' coefficient is imperfect and is not used by modem workers, it did serve the important function of stating a real problem and sug- gesting a solution. In a verv real sense, htfdrobioJogy (both oceanography and limnology) has devel- oped as a subscience in its owti right. How- ever, since we shall be referring continually in this book to ecological principles derived from the data of hydrobiology, and since its early historical development is one and the same with ecology proper, we must examine its contribution to our historical analysis. During the decade 1900 to 1910 many in- vestigations of aquatic ecology were published. We shall sample a few repre- sentative studies. From the marine aspect Johnstone's book (1908) and the papers of Ostenfeld (1908) and Sumner (1910) are characteristic. Johnstone's book was a competent summary of modem oceanography. In the first part FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 47 he discussed the North Atlantic ocean, types of life in the sea, including notes on fishes and fishing; in the second part he stressed the quantitative method as applied to plankton census and productivity; and in the last part he dealt with the "metabolism of the sea"— food relationships, bacteria, and nitrogen circulation. Even to a modern worker the book is a sound contribution. It is safe to assume that its impact on aquatic ecology was considerable. Ostenfeld's paper was important, since it showed clearly "... the controlling rela- tion of marine vegetation upon animal associations and particularly the fish of the coast of Denmark" (Adams, 1913, p. 89). Work of this type indubitably helped to draw together plant and animal ecology. Sumner's paper is an excellent example of a certain type of field study. The bottom fauna and flora of an area around Woods Hole, Massachusetts (namely. Buzzards Bay and Vineyard Sound), were studied in relation to temperature, character of bot- tom, depth, saUnity, and density. The local distribution of each species was carefully determined and mapped. Conclusions were drawn as to wliich factors were most im- portant in shaping the observed distribu- tions. In addition, the author formulated some opinion about the geographical origin of the fauna of the region. Fresh-water ecologists or hmnologists also were making rapid strides during the first decade of the twentieth century. This pe- riod prospered under the influence of F. A. Forel (1841-1912), a professor in the Uni- versity of Lausanne, who has been called the "founder of modern limnology." In 1901 Forel published his Handbuch der Seen- kunde. Allgemeine Limnologie. The impor- tance of this volume is well indicated by Welch (1935, p. 5) in these words: "This book is the first general presentation of limnology from the modern standpoint. In fact, it might well be termed the first text- book of limnology. In brief, hmnology is in- debted to Forel for the first knowledge con- cerning the profundal fauna of fresh-water lakes, for the first program for limnological investigations of such waters, and for the execution of such a program, resulting in 'Le Leman,' which was long a model for subsequent work." A first-rate paper by Kofoid (1903) on the plankton of the Illinois river was a de- tailed, meticulous study with a definitely ecological point of view. In 1904 E. A. Birge published a paper in which he clearly demonstrated thermal stratification in in- land lakes and formulated a standard method of expressing it. In a historical dis- cussion one is tempted to pause over the names of Birge and his colleague Juday to pay tribute to their cogent contributions to aquatic biology. Another book that seems to have been important during this decade was that by Knauthe (1907). There is some point in dealing specifically with ecological succession. This was the era when plant ecologists were interested in the phenomenon. The animal ecologist was starting his investigations on succession, to be followed actively in the next ten years. Cowles published his "Sand Dunes" paper in 1899. This stimulated the zoologists V. E. Shelford and C. C. Adams, who were ecologically inclined from their association with Davenport at the University of Chicago, to examine the concept from a zoological aspect. In 1907 Shelford reported on the succession of tiger beetles {Cicin- dela) in the same dunes region where Cow- les had studied. He " . . . traced the rela- tion of Cicindela to the succession of plant communities. The distribution of eight spe- cies of tiger beetles was in close correspond- ence with the zoned habitats and communi- ties, and the conclusion was reached that a similar harmony existed with respect to the fauna in general" (Clements and Shelford, 1939, p. 8). Adams' 1909 paper shows even more respect for the concept of succession than does Shelford's. It starts with this in- teresting quotation from John Stuart Mill: "Of all truths relating to phenomena, the most valuable to us are those which relate to their order of succession. On a knowledge of these is founded every reasonable anticipation of future facts, and whatever power we pos- sess of influencing those facts to our advantage." Adams reviews much of the background for ecological succession current at that time. He discusses general principles as well as specific avian illustrations. From his studies of the latter he reaches this conclusion (p. 134): "... Bird succession means a change from the dominance of certain species or associa- tions to that of others. Thus in the beginning a slight change in abundance of a species may 48 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY be noted, with a corresponding decrease in another; and this proportion may continue to change until the intruder becomes dominant and the rival form may disappear entirely. The process of change, as a rule, is not limited to a single species, but usually involves several or all of the members of the association, as when a dune invades a swamp and tlie swamp birds are completely replaced by those frequenting the sand dunes." Later we shall have more to say of the im- pact of succession on the rise of ecology. The term "synecology" apparently was coined by the botanists Scliroter and Kirch- ner in 1902 from the Greek prefix syn, meaning "together." Since that time ecolo- gists have used synecology in a general sense to imply the association of individuals in contradistinction to the ecology of an iso- lated organism ("autecology").* There have been attempts to define the term with more precision. Thus there is the definition of Turesson "the ecology of communities;" of Riibel, "the relation between the commu- nity and its habitat;" of Braun-Blanquet, "the study of the dependence of commimi- ties upon one another and upon the environ- ment," and of the Third International Bo- tanical Congress, "the study of conditions of the environment and adaptation of spe- cies taken in association." For our present purposes we shall use synecology in a broad fashion only and select several early twen- tieth century studies that depict the state of the science at that time. Obviously, many of the papers aheady reviewed are syne- cological in part, but a few cases per se are in order. In 1903 Davenport published a paper on the ecology of a Cold Spring Harbor (New York) sand spit. This was a sofid study that stressed the local distribution of animals with respect to local habitat zones. The spit was divided into two areas, the periodically submerged zone and the beach zone, and the fauna of these two was studied. Daven- port stressed those adaptations of the fauna particularly adjusted to these two niches. Another representative study was that of Ruthven (1906) on an ecological survey of the Porcupine Mountains in Michigan. This was interesting in that the author placed the faunas in a framework of biotic associa- tions and, as Adams puts it, "treated them • Autecology is frequently used to mean the environmental relations of a single species in- stead of a single individual. It is not so used in this book. from the dynamic and genetic standpoint." The monograph of Eigenmann (1909) on "Cave Vertebrates of America" deserves mention here. Although this work has not stood the test of time so far as its interpre- tations are concerned, it did serve a real function in placing on record many data on the adjustment between cave forms and their habitats and the phylogenetic regres- sion associated with that adjustment. Under the heading of quantitative syn- ecology the 1907 note of McAfee deserves mention primarily because it illustrates the use of the quadrat method for sampling surface fiora and fauna. McAfee presented in some detail census data of four square feet of forest and meadow floor at several times of the year. The data are then enu- merated relative to species, and an attempt is made to show how the nutritional re- sources of the floor are utihzed by the bird population. The latter is important because it stresses the community as a whole rather than isolated habitat niches. The ingenious Forbes in 1909 had a novel idea and approach. He studied the Indian corn plant in relation to its insect infestation. Using as his biological focus the fact that corn is both introduced and under "the constant supervision of a guardian and the services of a nurse," he develops the argument that this species is ecologically maladjusted and vulnerable to a dispropor- tionate amount of insect competition. His analysis of this corn-insect nexus is an inter- esting study in synecology. This concludes our treatment of the 1900 to 1910 period. We shall return briefly to this decade later when we try to draw some generalizations. One other point must be raised. The reader may ask with justification : Why have there not been reviewed works on evolution as they contribute to ecological growth?" • One book that appeared during the decade and focussed attention on evolutionary pro- cesses was Darwin and Modern Science, edited by A. C. Seward (1909). This volume con- tained twenty-nine essays written by eminent contributors in commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of The Origin of Species. Certain of these essays were distinctly ecological and should be mentioned: "The Se- lection Theory," by August Weismann; "Geo- graphical Distribution of Animals," by Hans Gadow; "Experimental Study of the Influence of Environment on Animals," by Jacques Loeb; and "The Value of Colour in the Struggle foi Life," by E. B. Poulton. FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 49 The answer is that, during this period, the growth of ecology and evolution were so inextricably woven together that it seems artificial to separate the two. Many of the studies we have mentioned in foregoing pages contain data, conclusions, or concepts that bear on evolution or speciation. In other words, certain ecologists of these times had a lively interest in such matters. This is as it should be, and it epitomizes the viewpoint of this book and its authors." 1911-1920 As we survey the second decade of the twentieth century from the viewpoint of ecological history, these items impress us: 1. There was no major readjustment of focus between this decade and the first. 2. Not much theoretical synthesis of the material of ecology was attempted. 3. More work was done in the sense that there were more investigators. 4. Technical advances in other fields- physics, chemistry, physiography, climatol- ogy, physiology, biometry, and so on— reflect upon ecological research largely through refinement of methods and mensuration. 5. Some books (both text and reference) of use to the ecologist were published. 6. The British Ecological Society and The Ecological Society of America were founded in 1913 and 1916, respectively, to aid ecolo- gists and their enterprises. In short, this seems to be primarily a dec- ade of sure, gradual growth without much reorientation. Since the literature of this decade is more extensive than that of the 1900 to 1910 era, there is a temptation to devote more space to it. This we cannot do. We can only sample as before and trust that our samples are sufficiently representative to be meaningful. Some of the books that appeared should be mentioned. Books are valuable in a his- torical survey because they indicate what was considered important at the time and how the subject matter was studied. Two physiological texts were published that ecologists found useful: Piitter's Vergleich- • For the sake of accuracy, however, it should be mentioned that certain ecologists were veering away from an evolutionary view- point in the first decade. A good example, perhaps, was V. E. Shelford, who, during that period, was crystallizing his ideas on "physio- logical animal geography" in contradistinction to historical or faunal animal geography. ende Physiologie (1911) and Bayhss Principles of General Physiology (second edition, 1918). In 1913 C. C. Adams pub- Hshed his Guide to the Study of Animal Ecology. This served the useful purpose of classifying the diverse literature of ecology and outhned a reading program for stu- dents. Probably the most valuable book of the decade was Shelford's Animal Com- munities in Temperate America (1913). Here was a summary of much original field research organized around a number of habitats within a restricted area (Chicago). The author gave due weight to physi- ography, the nonbiotic and the biotic envi- ronment, and to the quantitative enumera- tion of animals. Although it is out of date in some respects, teachers and students to this day turn to it for ecological guidance. It was reprinted without essential alteration in 1937. Several books on hydrobiology appeared and served a real need. Murray and Hjort's The Depths of the Ocean (1912) became rapidly a standard treatise on oceanography, and the compendium Fresh-Water Biology (1918), edited by Ward and Whipple, fa- cilitated the study of limnology, particularly through its emphasis on taxonomy. In 1916 Needham and Lloyd published The Life of Inland Waters, "an elementary textbook of freshwater biology" that served a useful purpose in field zoology and beginning ecol- ogy courses. In 1913 L. J. Henderson published The Fitness of the Environment. While not an ecological study in the re- stricted sense, this book was a provocative statement on the relation of the environ- ment to its organism. It forced ecologists to think in new and somewhat theoretical terms and thereby exerted a healthy influ- ence both on them and on the development of their subject. We shall return specifically to this book in a later section (p. 76). In 1915 Jordan and Kellogg brought forth their Evolution and Animal Life, which con- tained many correlations between ecology and evolution and thus deserves mention in this place. In the preface the authors state: "... the writers have tried to give a lu- cid elementary account, in limited space, of the processes of evolution as they are so far understood." The chapters with particular ecological flavor are "Natural Selection and Struggle for Existence;" "Geographic Isola tion and Species-Forming;" "Geographical Distribution;" "Adaptations;" "Mutual Aid and Communal Life among Animals;" and 50 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY "Color and Pattern in Animals." This was a useful book which, in the second decade, emphasized the close connection between ecology and organic evolution. These, then, are some of the books that ecologists were reading during the decade 1911 to 1920. Of course there were others, but the ones mentioned should suffice as a sample. It is our task now to survey briefly certain specific papers as we did in the preceding section. We use the same head- ings as before: viz., natural history; re- sponse, developmental and toleration physi- ology; hydrobiology; succession; and syne- cology. In addition, we shall have a word to say about the growth of quantitative methods. Since ecology is always based in the final analysis on natural history, we find that subject constantly present and to be accounted for. During the decade 1911 to 1920 many first-rate natural history papers were published. These ranged from such popularized reports as Brunner's Tracks and Tracking (1912), which was an "illustrated guide for the identification of mammal and bird tracks or footprints," to such compre- hensive studies as those of Herrick (1911), Belding and Lane (1911), Needham (1920), and Pearse and Achtenberg (1920). Response physiology was an active phase of ecology during the second decade. While the investigations ranged considerably in type, there was a drive towards expressing animal behavior in as precise terms as possible. Frequently, this led the study into experimentation as distinguished from uncontrolled observation. The ecological contributions were made largely through knowledge acquired of the way a single environmental factor induced an organismic response. Review of several studies will clarify these points. A paper that was interesting from both the behavioristic and ecological points of view was that of Severin and Severin (1911) on death feigning in two aquatic bugs, Belostoma and Nepa. These investi- gators were concerned with three aspects of the problem: careful description of the death-feigning attitudes, environmental fac- tors inducing death feigning, and the possible significance of this response when expressed in terms of survival value. For example, it was found that while Belostoma assumed either of two attitudes, Nepa "froze" in the position it held at the time the stimulus was presented. The authors noted that dryness decreases and moisture increases the duration of the death feint in Belostoma and that high air temperature shortens the duration for both species. Their general conclusion about the character of the response is that "... the death feint in arthropods is simply a non-intelligent instinctive act" (p. 39). Dawson (1911), in "The Biology of Physa," approached this topic with a be- havior emphasis, but reported much that was ecological, particularly in two sections of the paper: "The Relation of Physa to Its Natural Environment; Including a Compre- hensive Analysis of the Habits of Physa in the Ann Arbor Region," and "The Food and Feeding Activities of Physa." The section on "Psychic Phenomena" contains an inter- esting and ecologically pertinent discussion of the "source of stimuli received by Physa in field habitats." Present day ecological work would profit by careful analyses of the latter type! In 1911 S. O. Mast pub- lished Light and the Behavior of Organisms. This was a valuable stimulus to compara- tive psychology, and it also synthesized much that was instiTictive to the ecologist. Also during the decade Jacques Loeb (1918) published his well-known and polemic book on a mechanistic interpreta- tion of behavior. Forced Movements, Tro- pisms and Animal Conduct. Developmental physiology underwent more specialization during the decade. It also linked itself closely with embryology. Nevertheless, many papers were published that contributed to the growth of ecology. LeFevre and Curtis (1912) reported at length on the reproduction of fresh-water mussels. Much of their work had distinct ecological and parasitological emphasis. Thus they discussed the development of the embryonic mussels in the gills ("marsupi- um") of the mother. They studied breeding seasons and recognized "summer breeders" and "winter breeders." They described the development and behavior of the glochidia, including the parasitization of the fish by these larvae. Finally, they dealt with the establishment of the young mussel on the bottom and its subsequent maturation. During this decade there was a growing focus, later to reach fuller clarity, on the effect of the physical environment upon developmental rates. Usually, either tern- FmST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 51 perature or humidity was the variable studied. Headlee's 1917 paper is a represen- tative example. In this he analyzed the eflFect of humidity on duration of metamor- phosis in the bean weevil, Bruchus ohtectus. For a paper published during the decade, but dealing with temperature rather than with humidity, the reader is referred to Krafka (1920). Earlier, we called attention to the pubh- cation in 1918 of the second edition of Bayliss' Physiologi/. This magnificient vol- ume immediately became a source book for physiologically minded ecologists (as it did for many other biologists) and did much for the field. It was useful especially in the area of developmental physiology. Not many publications were concerned directly with toleration physiology between 1911 and 1920, although this phase was touched on incidentally in numerous places. A good example of this approach per se is the paper of Shelford and Allee (1913), "The Reactions of Fishes to Gradients of Dissolved Atmospheric Gases." For exam- ple, they studied the ability of various spe- cies of fish to tolerate low oxygen tensions. One of their suggestive findings was this: Species of fish die (in the presence of re- duced oxygen supply) in the order of their relation to this factor in nature. Thus, just to make the point, Notropis, a swift-water form, starts to die after 376 minutes' expo- sure, while Ameiurus, typically a sluggish- water form, does not start to die until after 1080 minutes. A number of excellent investigations on hydrobiology were published during this decade. There was perhaps a growing diver- gence between oceanography and limnol- ogy, but the essential viewpoints of these two fields retained much in common. The treatise, alreadv mentioned, by Murrav and Hjort, The Depths of the Ocean, appeared in 1912 and helped to establish modern oceanography on a firmer foundation. A representative research report was that of Petersen and Jensen (1911), who published a comprehensive monograph on the fauna of the ocean floor both from the quantita- tive and nutritional aspects. This paper discussed the techniques of bottom study and also presented manv significant biolog- ical data. Adams in 1913 considered it "a verv important paper." In addition to recognizing the importance of Petersen and Jensen's paper, a word should be said of Petersen himself. It is not always recognized that this man is among the great in the history of ecology and hydrobiology. We should fail in our survey if we overlooked the point. Professor E. S. Russell, himself a distinguished hydrobiol- ogist, in his The Overfishing Problem (1942, pp. 68-69) pays tribute to Petersen in these words: "In introducing a biological and ecological note into this discussion ... I shall follow the lead of a remarkable man, the late C. G. Joh. Petersen, a pioneer in fishery research and marine ecology, whose work is unfortunately not widely known outside fishery circles. I had the privilege of his friendship, and the oppor- tunity of discussing with him fishery questions and problems of general biology— and I take this occasion to pay a tribute to his memory. "Petersen was for many years Director of the Danish Biological Station, a State institu- tion devoted to the investigation of fishery problems, and it was his great merit that he regarded these as being essentially problems of ecology. He realised more vividly than anyone else that fish must be studied, not in isolation from their environment, or purely from a sta- tistical point of view, but in close relation to all the factors, including the effect of fishing, that influence their abundance, their rate of gro\\'th, and their reproduction." Fresh-water investigations were also con- tributing to the growth of ecology during the decade. Birge and Juday were in the midst of their long personal and scholarly association. A representative illustration of their then current work was the still-quoted 1911 paper, "The Dissolved Gases of the Water and Their Biological Significance." In 1918 Muttkowski published a sound report covering work conducted at Lake Mendota (Wisconsin). This paper was a thorough treatment, with considerable tabu- lar documentation, of the follo\\dng points: (1) qualitative survey of the macrofauna; (2) quantitative survey of the commoner macrofauna; (3) ecological distribution of the fauna: (4) breeding habits; and (5) food relations, especially insects as food for the fish population. In 1918 there also ap- peared Fresh-water Biology, edited by Ward and WHiipple. We have already sug- gested that this source book had a firm im- pact on aquatic ecology. Forbes and Richardson (1919) published a study of the Illinois River that not only contained much of ecological importance, but also utilized physiography as an ap- 52 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY proach to ecology and presented something of the impact of human society on a nat- ural environment. Their interest centered around the Illinois River as it had been af- fected by (a) the opening of the Chicago drainage canal into the river; (b) the con- sequent increase in sewage; (c) the recla- mation of river bottoms for agricultural use; and (d) the introduction into the stream of the European carp. An appreciation of the amount of pub- lished research on limnology through the first decade can be had by examination of the "Bibliography of Limnological Litera- ture" compiled in the "Challenger" ofiice and assembled by James Chumley (1910). The reference list contains over 2500 cita- tions. In discussing some of the developments of synecology during this decade, it is well to remind the reader that many of the papers already cited in other connections contain much of synecological interest. Thus, the reports of Pearse and Achtenberg, of Petersen and Jensen, of Embody and of Muttkowski all have direct bearing and could be cited properly in this section. However, we shall extend our remarks somewhat by reviewing a few more papers selected for the purpose. During this decade synecological studies were varied in character and in method of analysis. They were dominated largely by successional emphasis and ranged from such papers as that of Gates (1911), describing the distribution of summer Illinois bird life in relation to the local plant communities, to Wheeler's (1911) philosophical essay, "The Ant-Colony as an Organism," in which he pointed out some of the analogies between such a complex, integrated popula- tion of organisms and a complex, integrated population of cells. In 1912 Pierce, Cushman, and Hood pub- lished an important paper on "The Insect Enemies of the Cotton Boll Weevil." Al- though this investigation was motivated by economic considerations, it is a thoroughly sound and stimulating analysis of biological control, i.e., control of the boll weevil popu- lation by predatory and parasitic competi- tion. In an attempt to evaluate these predatory and parasitic pressures, the au- thors reach these major conclusions (pp. 94, 95): 1. "The control of the boll weevil by insect enemies is sufficiently great to give it a high rank in the struggle against the pest. A considerable portion of the insect con- trol would not be accomplished by any other factor; hence it is by no means to be neglected." 2. "The amount of control due to the var- ious factors at work in any given place should be increased if possible. Parasites can be introduced into new fields." 3. "The parasites and predators which at- tack the boll weevil are native insects, al- ready present in a given territory before the weevil arrives." The synecological distinction of this paper lies in the authors' constant emphasis on interspecies relationships, whatever the type. This is climaxed in an interesting dia- gram that attempts to put in simple form all the major relationships unearthed. Be- cause of the novelty of this figure and because it presages much that is to come later in this book, it is reproduced on page 53 (Fig. 1). The microfauna was not neglected dur- ing the decade 1911 to 1920. Waksman (1916) wrote cogently of it in a paper entitled "Studies on Soil Protozoa." He dis- cussed three aspects: (1) active protozoan fauna in the soil; (2) numbers and types of Protozoa in different soils at difi^erent depths; and (3) the effect of Protozoa on bacterial numbers and their decomposi- tion of organic matter in the soil. His two major conclusions were that moisture, hu- mus content and soil structure are the most important factors to which soil Protozoa react, and that soil Protozoa reduce bacterial numbers. In reference to the lat- ter statement, Waksman makes the point that, when conditions become favorable for the Protozoa, the bacteria decrease. Pre- sumably, this effect is competitive in character, although Waksman did not ana lyze it in any detail. At this point attention should be called to a considerable, early twentieth century "Cornell School" of naturalists, including A. A. Allen (Ornithology), A. H. Wright (Vertebrate Zoology), and James G. Need- ham (Entomology and Limnology), with their students, and with the addition of W. J. Hamilton (Mammalogy) in 1926 Cornell had become the center of entomo- logical research and education imder the influence of John Henry Comstock (1849- 1931), and of interest in vertebrate zoologv under Burt G. Wilder (1841-1926). "Field Zoology" flourished at Cornell in the varied FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 53 biotic environments aflForded by the Finger Lakes region, with a small limnological station and even with an occasional noc- turnal class. For a certain group of ecologists— a group presented certain antecedents for this. The chief worker was Shelford, whose writings stress the successional development of the animal community. Shelford's student. W. C. Allee, also showed some interest in THE BOLL WEEVIL COMPLEX THE COTTON PLANT LEAF / BOLL RICE WORM WEEVIL WEEVIL / \ ^WHICH IN TURN ARE ATTACKED^ BEAN >^COWPEA WEEVIL WEEVIL 6 HYPER - PARASITES Fig. L The boll weevil complex. (From Pierce, Cushman, and Hood, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bur. Entom. Bull., 100.) largely stimulated by the botanist H. C. Cowles at the University of Chicago— the major synecological investigations of the de- cade centered around ecological succession. In this historical section we have alreadv the problem both as a junior collaboratoi and as an independent investigator. In 1911 Allee published a short paper entitled "Sea- sonal Succession in Old Forest Ponds " C. ('. Adams had worked with the problem, 54 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY and his 2913 book, Guide to the Study of Animal Ecology, frequently makes the point by imphcation that this is ecology! A word is in order about Shelford's then current studies (1911, 1911a, 1911b, 1912, 1912a), We shall return to some of these in a professional sense later. Historically, they had great influence on the growth of ecology. They were cHmaxed, integrated, and summarized in the 1913 book. Animal Communities in Temperate America. From the viewpoint of succession Shelford's greatest contribution was his interpretation of fish succession in streams as contrasted with that in ponds. In the former he showed that physiographic erosion was the important factor. In the latter, the succes- sion was conditioned largely by biotic factors that gradually made over the habi- tat so that new forms could move in. One of Shelford's more important theo- retical discussions was his "Physiological Animal Geography" (1911c). This paper showed Shelford's reaction away from evo- lution as an interpretative factor in ecology and towards physiology and function. He discusses briefly the point of view of the historical or faunistic zoogeographers and then proceeds to develop, with case exam- ples, the alternative or physiological aspect. Of the latter he says (p. 554) : "There are two distinct points of view for biological investigation. One is that of evolu- tion; the other, that of physiology, or the ex- planation of the organism in terms of physics and chemistry. One may make a physiological explanation of the behavior or structure of an organism and in no wise explain its evolution. On the other hand, one may make an evolu- tionary explanation of an organism without making any contribution to its physiology. The study of physiological animal geography may be conducted independently of the problems of evolution. It does not need to be concerned with centers of origin, or paths of dispersal, or with other problems of faunistic animal geog- raphy. In this paper we are concerned with the physiological relations of animals to natural environments." It is only fair to state that in concluding paragraphs Shelford does make the point that biological science will be best served by the wedding of these two viewpoints. But the strong feature of his paper is its synthesis of the ecological approach to problems of dispersion. In present day ecology succession no longer occupies so prominent a place. It is studied, but the emphasis is on the total community, with succession essentially a developmental phase of that total unit. However, during the first two decades of the twentieth century the concept was a vital one in the historical sense; it stimu- lated much work and provided a rational approach for field analyses. In 1915 C. C. Adams pubhshed his ex- tensive monograph on "The Variations and Ecological Distribution of the Snails of the Genus lo." This gastropod is a river fonn and was studied primarily in the south- eastern and southern states. Adams states the centi-al theme of liis study by quoting, with patent approval, W. K. Brooks, who wrote (Adams, p. 7) : "Inheritance and variation are not two things, but two imperfect views of a single process, for the difference between tliem is neither in fiving beings nor in any external standard of extermination, but in the reciprocal interaction between each living being and its competitors and enemies and the sources of food and the other conditions of life . . , You will note that it is as great an error to locate species in the external world as it is to locate it in germ cells or in chromatin. It neither exists in the organisms nor in the environment, because it is in the reciprocal interaction be- tween the two." In this historical survey Adams' paper makes an important point. Here was an in- vestigation by an ecologist, utihzing ecolog- ical techniques, that made a sincere attempt to coordinate and inteipret the findings as they were related to heredity and evolution. In short, we use Adams' paper as evidence to show that, historically, ecology was not divorced from evolution in the minds of many workers in the field. Before closing this 1911 to 1920 survey, we wish to draw attention to the point that biometry was growing and its influence on biologists and biology was gradually in- creasing. The ecologist can not ignore the importance of this fact. Much of modern ecology is statistical and seems destined to become more so. We have mentioned in our review the names of Malthus, Quetelet, Farr, Galton, Weldon, Pearson, Davenport, Harris, and Pearl, names inextricably woven into the history of ecology. Although statistical methods per se did not contribute greatly to ecology between 1911 and 1920, they were available and were beginning to be used. The then contemporary situation FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 55 was well stated by Raymond Pearl in a 1914 (pp. 47-48) address before the American Statistical Association. He said: "Statistical science has brought to biology three fundamentally important things which it had previously lacked. These are: first, a method of describing a group of individuals in terms, not of its component individuals, but in terms of its (the group's) own attributes and qualities; second, the concept of 'probable error,' which makes possible an estimate of the probable accuracy of a series of obserx^a- tions; and third, a method of measuring the degree of association or correlation between the variations in a series of characters or events. . . . By turning to statistical science for aid the biologist has greatly augmented his powers of analysis in the domain of his own particular problems. While this branch of science, which has been called into being by this coalition, is vet too young to have shown its full capabili- ties, yet I think its achievements have been sufficient in qualitv and amount to justify the belief that its position is secure and its prom- ise bright. Biometrv seems destined to be- come a permanent and important branch, at once of biological investigation and of statisti- cal inquiry." These were prophetic and true words, both for biology and for ecology. 1921-1930 During the decade 1921 to 1930 ecology was expanding and maturing; expanding in the sense that more ecological studies were published; maturing in the sense that the Geld was attaining greater focus. Whereas the second decade of the twentieth century was considerably like the first, the third dec- ade was somewhat different, even though much of the specific research was similar. Ecologists were still conducting research on, say, response physiology, or food relations or succession, but now their work seemed to have more of a common denominator that took form as a "self-conscious" science. Thus, in studies on animal responses or succession there was greater interest in in- terpreting these phenomena in broad eco- logical terms. We do not imply that ecology became a closely unified science during the third decade. It is not that today. We sug- gest only that it was collecting certain varying ends, rearranging its emphases and starting thereby on a newlv oriented course. It is our task to examine further these trends. Certain books published between 1921 and 1930 reflect the temper of the times. At the outset, two textbooks appeared de- signed for the use of ecologists in university classes: Animal Ecology (1926) by A. S. Pearse, and Animal Ecology (1927) by Charles Elton. We shall return to these directly. There were other books basically ecological in character. Borradaile's The Animal and Its Environment (1923) gave "an elementary treatment of animal ecology including general descriptive matter from natural history, and relatively little quan- titative analysis of the environment" (Chapman, 1931, p. 2). In 1922 the third edition of Folsom's Entomology was pub- Hshed. It is significant to note that the author added to this edition the subtitle "with special reference to its ecological as- pects" and included a new chapter on "Insect Ecology" prepared under the guid- ance of V. E. Shelf ord. While this book made no great impact on ecological science, its revised publication suggests that the ecological developments of the first and second decades had been sufficient to cause an entomologist to present his subject basically from that point of view. In 1929 Shelford published Laboratory and Field Ecology, which was largely a "methods" book. Although it was to serve ecologists, it did not have anything like the influence on ecological histor)'^ enjoved by the author's earlier Animal Communities in Temperate America. Elton (1930) brougrht forth a small book entitled Animal Ecology and Evohition. which centered around three chief topics: "The Regulation of Numbers," "The Significance of Migration." and "The Real Life of Animals." In 1927 Social Life in the Animal World by Alverdes appeared. From the dignified viewpoint of scholar- ship, probably the really significant book of the decade was R. Hesse's Tieraeos^raphie auf oekologischer Grundlase, which ap- peared in 1924. This treatise recognized that there was an approach to zoogeog;raphv other than the classical, faiinal one. Hesse's conception of the subject is well stated in this translated excerpt from his preface: "Ecological animal geography is a young science ... In this new field the fundamen- tal questions are yet to be formulated in order that a rich phase of biology may be opened for further work. I hope this book may be thought of as such an attempt; it deals largely with problems which are taken up separately and arranged in order, and but relatively little 56 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY space is given to presenting satisfactory solu- tions. Such treatment does show that the problems of ecological animal geography are capable of exact solution and indicates further in what direction, through observation and ex- perimentation, the solution is to be sought. I hope that this treatment will stimulate further ex-peditionary researches in this field. We have had an over-supply of travel which yielded ani- mal pelts and alcoholic material; we need rather observations on the relations between animals and their environment." It is fair to state that Hesse attained these desiderata. A tribute to his book came in the next decade when, in 1937, W. C. Al- ice and Karl P. Schmidt prepared a revised edition in English and thereby made the volume more immediately available to American and English biologists. In their introduction the translators said, "The ap- pearance of Professor Richard Hesse's book in 1924 marked the beginning of a new phase in the development both of ecology and of animal geography. In the latter field it made the first serious attempt to apply ecological methods, principles and facts to the study of animal distribution on a world- wide scale." Another book on biogeography was Willis' Age and Area, (1922). This study did not have the weight carried by Hesse, but it was extremely provocative and polemic. In a historical survey these char- acteristics, rather than its scientific validity, may be the significant features of a work. Another important volume of the decade was Tier tind Pflanze in Symhiose, by P. Buchner, which appeared in second edition in 1930. Buchner and his students carried out extensive studies on the importance and mode of transmission of symbionts (p. 248). There were other books published be- tween 1921 and 1930 that ecologists found useful. Some of these should be mentioned. The Determination of Hijdros,en Ions by Clark (1928) and Harvey's Biolos.ical Chemistrtf and Physics of Sea Water (1928) presented information about the abiotic environment.* Robertson in 1923 published The Chemical Basis of Growth and Senescence which contained a good deal about the environment in a biochemi- • Harvey further contributed to this topic through publication in 1945 of a small book en- titled Recent Advances in the Chemistry and Biology of Sea Water. cal sense. An important German book on hydrobiology was Hentschel's GrundzUge der Hydrobiologie (1923). Three limnolog- ical books in German that appeared during the decade should be mentioned: Thienemann's (1926) Limnologie, Lenz's (1928) Einfiihrung in die Biologic der Siisswasserseen and Brehm's (1930) Ein- fiihrung in die Limnologie. Entomologists were active during the period. W. M. Wheeler wrote several books, among them Social Life among the Insects (1923), which summarized this subject with charac- teristic vigor and scholarship. War die and Buckle (1923) and War die (1929) covered certain aspects of economic entomology that had a distinct ecological flavor. At this point we should mention the book by Grinnell, Dixon, and Linsdale (1930) Vertebrate Natural History of A Section of Northern California through the Lassen Peak Region. This monograph is an excel- lent example of modern natural history. Also, its mention permits us to pay tribute to the late Joseph Grinnell, who was, perhaps more than any other, the epitome of the modern natural historian. So far as we can judge from his writings and lectures, Grinnell was not sympathetic to analysis of ecological problems by the methods of instrumentation and mensura- tion. Apparently, it was his idea that the organism and its responses were a far bet- ter criterion of environmental reaction than any measurement. Once, in correspondence with one of us, he said, "The animal is more sensitive than any thermometer or at- mometer." The "Lassen Peak" study was antedated by Animal Life in the Yosemite, by Grin- nell and T. I. Storer (1924). This work was equally comprehensive, although it may not be cited so much as the former. In the "Yosemite" volume one finds "an account of the mammals, birds, reptiles and amphib- ians in a cross-section of the Sierra Ne- vada." Historically this study is significant, not only because of its wealth of natural history, but also because it shows how a public preserve such as a national park can be utilized for field research. In the population field in a strict sense, Ravmond Pearl published four provocative books: The Rate of Living (1928), deal- ing with laboratory populations; The Biol- ogy of Population Growth (1925), deal- ing with both laboratory and human pop- FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY ulations; The Biology of Death (1922) and Studies in Human biology (1924), dealing with human populations. Lotka's Elements of Physical Biology (1925) covered certain phases of biotic interactions from a rational, theoretical viewpoint, and, as its meaning is slowly assimilated, becomes an increas- ingly distinguished contribution. In the field of human ecology, stiaddUng the fence between biology and sociology, two books by Ellsworth Huntington came out (Principles of Human Geography, 1921, with Gushing; Civilization and Climate, 1924), along with The Population Problem, by Carr-Saunders in 1922, and Der Gang der Kultur iiber die Erde, by Hettner in 1923. A rapidly advancing field during the twenties was paleo-ecology. Although the plant ecologists were most concerned, there were enough general principles emerging to warrant the attention of animal workers. Paleo-ecology may lack the quantitative methods of modern ecology, but it is a necessary approach if evolutionary views are to be applied outside taxonomic and phylogenetic studies. A direct way to study this subject by means of modern geological structures was carried out by Professor Richter and his associates in the Sencken- berg Museum in Frankfurt. A convenient English summary of this method was pub- lished by Bucher in 1938. Other significant publications were F. Clements' (1924) Methods and Principles of Palaeo-ecology; O. Abel's (1929) Paldobiologie und Stam- mesgeschichte, and a summarizing paper in the next decade (1935) by C. L. Fenton entitled "Viewpoints and Objects of Paleo- ecology." In 1928 a journal, "Palaeobiolo- gica," edited by Abel, was founded and published in Vienna. The general ecology texts by Pearse and Elton warrant further examination. They show how two specialists organized ecology during the third decade. Pearse had the following chapter headings: 1. Introduction, ii. Physical and chemical ecological factors, iii. Biological factors, iv. Succession, v. Animals of the ocean, vi. Fresh- water animals, vii. Terrestrial animals, viii. The relations of animals to plants, ix. The relations of animals to color, x. Intraspecific relations, xi. The economic relations of ecology. He thus laid a general background of phys- ical and biotic factors and then classified animals ecologically according to their major Oi habitats. The treatment was primarily descriptive. Elton's book appeared under the spon- sorship of Julian S. Huxley, who said in the Forewor-^' ^p. xiii) : "Finally, there remain subjects which are of such recent growth that their principles have never yet been treated in a comprehensive way. Such, for instance, are developmental and com- parative physiology, animal behaviour and ecology. From the point of view of the rapid growth and expansion of general biology, it is these subjects which it is at the present moment most important to summarise in brief text-books, since otherwise the multifarious knowledge which we have already attained re- garding them remains locked up in scattered papers, the property of the specialist alone. The present volume deals with a much mis- understood and often underrated subject." The emphasis that Elton placed on ecol- ogy was different from that of Pearse, as was the manner of treatment. This can be seen from the following table of contents: i. Introduction, ii. The distribution of animal communities, iii. Ecological succession, iv. En- vironmental factors. V. The animal community, vi. Parasites, vii. Time and animal communities, viii. The numbers of animals, ix. Variations in the numbers of animals, x. Ecological methods, xi. Ecology and evolution. Elton was concerned more with organiz- ing ecology around principles, and most of his principles centered around the animal community and the natural population. Un- hke Pearse, he was interested, not so much in whether an animal was found in a desert or a lake, but rather in the environmental factors hmiting the distribution of such a form. Elton stressed also the quantitative aspects, particularly in connection with the number of animals that occupy any com- munity and the impact that these numbers make on their total environment. He viewed food chains as the most important integrat- ing factor of the community, and his treat- ment of this subject is outstanding. As we view the growing organization of ecology during the period 1921 to 1930, it looks something hke this. There was a rough dichotomy between the physical- chemical environment and the biotic envi- ronment. The former was broken down into a series of factors of greater or lesser eco- logical significance that were studied as "conditions of existence." This was a phrase, apparently tracing back to Karl Semper 58 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY (1881, "Animal Life as Affected by the Natural Conditions of Existence" [italics ours J) (see p. 22), that Shelf ord had used ia 1918 to describe such environmental fac- tors which, he said, "are of importance only in so far as they affect the Hfe and death processes of organisms." The phys- ico-chemical conditions of existence most studied through this decade were water, temperature, humidity, hydrogen ion con- centration,' oxygen and carbon dioxide tensions, saUnity, specific gravity, molar agents such as wind, current, and waves, tide, substratum, and altitude. If space per- mitted, and if it were essential for our his- torical survey, we could discuss papers that dealt with any or all of these factors. This we cannot do. The major point is that ecol- ogists had recognized the abiotic environ- ment both as a total unit and in terms of its components and were analyzing it from those vantage points. The organism's re- sponse, its growth and development, and its toleration of these conditions of exist- ence remained the essential subjects of analysis. The organization centering around the biotic environment is more difficult to sum- marize. In part, this means merely that biotic relations tend to be more complex than do the abiotic. In part, it means that ecologists themselves had not crystalUzed ** The biologists of the twenties were amus- ingly "pH-minded." Here was a technique, both physiological and ecological, easily ap- plied, far-reaching in its implications, and so respectable! The point is well made in anec- dotal (and true) fashion. A well-known ecologist was setting out from the wharf at the Marine Biological Laboratory ( Massachusetts ) to collect data about the local distribution of certain marine organisms, partic- ularly those factors correlated with distribution. In true ecologist-fashion his dory was loaded with apparatus and impedimenta of all sorts. On the rear seat there lay a pH kit. At the wharf to see him off was a friend, one of America's most distinguished zoological scholars, who asked, "Where are you going?" He got his answer. "What is your problem?" Again, an answer. "Why do you take so much equipment?" The ecologist tried to justify his boat load. "Well," said the savant, pointing to the pH kit, "that is all you'll need. Leave the rest at home!" Thus pH in the twenties! this phase of their science at that time. It is possible, however, to recognize certain general categories into wlrich the biotic aspects fall. These are: 1. The animal community: ( a ) Distribution (b) Food and feeding relationships within the community (c) Successional and other develop- mental aspects 2. The problem of aggregation 3. rhe population: (a) The natural population (b) The laboratory population 4. Parasitic-symbiotic-social relationships (in a specific sense and distinct from the animal community) 5. Miscellaneous: (a) Rhythmic phenomena (b) Dispersal phenomena (c) Human ecology (d) Aspects of economic zoology We cannot take time to document this outline in any detail, but it does seem wise to extend our remarks by discussing briefly the community, the aggregation, and the population. These aspects of ecology were developing rapidly between 1921 and 1930, and are much studied by ecologists today. Since Elton's treatment of communities seems without question the best of the dec- ade, we can do no better than examine the state of this phase of ecology as seen through his eyes. As mentioned earher, Elton viewed ecology as essentially the study of populations and communities. Judging from Elton and the published papers of the decade 1921 to 1930, ecol- ogists were interested in the animal com- munity from these aspects: its distribution in both a geographical and a local sense; its structure and organization; and its tem- poral development and change. There was not much emphasis on the community as a "social organism," although Elton, among others, recognized the point, nor on the problem of biotic equiUbrium. These phases were to come later. Under the influence of Hesse, Shelford, and others, ecologists were examining com- munities on a geographical scale and were working on the pattern of their distribu- tion. This did not stop with mere descrip- tion, for certain of the studies insisted that there were basic analogies between the communities of one area and those of an- other. These analogies seem to have con- vinced students that the community was a FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 59 real biological entity, irrespective of its global location. The "structural" studies had two major focal points, both of which are aspects of the same problem. On the one hand, there were extensive studies on food and feeding relations within the community, such as those of Sanders and Shelford (1922) and Summerhays and Elton (1923) on terres- h-ial communities; of Needham, Juday, Moore, Sibley, and Titcomb (1922) on a fresh-water community; and of Hardy (1924) on a marine community. On the other hand, there was a growing interest in "how many" animals occupied a certain niche in a community and the effect of this quantitative relation on the community as a whole. This aspect was really that en- compassed by the natural population studies, and we shall return to it shortly. After studying a series of papers on ani- mal communities and working actively on the problem himself, Elton concluded that (p. 55): '■ . . . Animals are organised into a complex society, as complex and as fascinating to study as human society. At first sight we might despair of discovering any general principles regulating animal communities. But careful study of simple communities shows that there are several principles which enable us to analyse an animal community into its parts, and in the light of which much of the apparent complication disappears. These principles are food-chains and the food-cycle; size of food; niches; the pyramid of numbers." It is not our task here to discuss these problems in a technical sense. That will come in later chapters. We are concerned only with the historical point that the study of natural groups or communities had ad- vanced to such a stage in the third decade that it was possible to conclude: (a) that communities are integrated to a large de- gree by the sum total of their feeding re- lations, and (b) that these relations, al- though they may be completely different in detail, are the common property of all communities, whatever the tvpe and wher- ever located. Several other studies that ap- peared during the period and which should be cited are those of Weese (1924), Smith (1928), and Shackleford (1929). Ecologists were well aware of the signifi- cance of temporal factors in the organiza- tion of the community. Succession was firmly ensconced in ecological thought as a time factor that brought about eventual community equiUbrium when the climax was attained. We have now enough of a background for this point to make unneces- sary its further discussion. Other temporal aspects were recognized. Some of these were (1) day-night rhythms; (2) migra- tions on a vertical axis that occurred at certain intervals as, for example, plankton migration in the sea or vertical migration in a forest; (3) tidal rhythms; (4) climatic rhythms of various types, including the seasons; and (5) extramundane rhythms. Many ecologists of the 1921 to 1930 period were doing more than recognizing these rhythms. They were analyzing them in re- lation to the community constituents. Throughout this book we shall have much to say about the phenomenon of ani- mal aggregations and its significance for ecological theory. This is a phase of ecol- ogy studied with much intellectual profit. As such, it needs to be considered briefly in this historical review. It is brought in at this point in the third decade, not be- cause the subject "originated" then, but be- cause it was summarized and evaluated in a paper by Allee (1927a) and thus given impetus for further growth. Certain phases of the general problem had been consid- ered earlier by botanists (especially Clements), zoologists, and philosophers, and their contributions must not be under- estimated. But to Allee goes the credit for a clear statement of the problem in terms of animal ecology and "general sociology." In his review Allee discussed the method of formation of aggregations: general factors conditioning aggregations; single-species, as contrasted with mixed-species, aggregations; integrative phenomena within aggregations; and the social significance of aggregations. Despite the existence in the 1921 to 1930 period of considerable knowledge about the physical-chemical environment, the animal community, the phenomenon of aggrega- tion, and, as we shall see in a moment, the population, ecologists did not coordinate these various phases to anv degree. When Allee wrote his paper in 1927 he outlined the field of animal aggregations as he viewed it. But this did not mean that, over night, the subject flowered and matured. In the third decade there was fact find- ing; there was speculation; there were some attempts at a synthesis of ecological principles. But there was not much syn- 60 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY thesis, and, by that token, not much de- velopment of ecology as a unified science. It would be incorrect to say that this uni- fication exists today, although some notable steps were to be made during the decade 1931 to 1940. When the zoologist started to ask him- self the quantitative question "How many?" in addition to the qualitative question "What Idnd?", natural population studies began to emerge from natural history and community investigations. Many ecologists felt that community analyses with their many variables were too complex to be feasible methodologically. Accordingly, they sought to better the situation by count- ing certain species of animals that hved within the framework of the total com- munity and were of enough ecological im- portance to warrant such careful scrutiny. These counts were population censuses. It is inaccurate to suggest that such studies appeared de novo in the third dec- ade. There were several historical preced- ents for them. One important precedent lay in earlier ecological work itself, both botanical and zoological. A basis for pop- ulation studies had been established in the literature before 1900 (see p. 24). In fact, we mentioned earlier a number of papers that could be cited appropriately. Another precedent came from the work of biologists with a flair for biometry and an interest in biological groups as such. Many of these men have already been mentioned. Still an- other precedent stemmed from the devel- opment of statistics as a method for han- dling biological data, as a technique for ra- tionalizing and formulating biological inter- actions (e.g., Lotka, 1925; Volterra, 1926), and as a basis for the philosophical inter- pretation of scientific evidence. These vari- ous fields in one way or another were forcing themselves into the ecologist's thinking. From them the population ap- proach, as did many other approaches, be- gan to crystallize. The early work on natural populations frequently had an economic focus and motivation, as, to a large degree, is still true today. The investigators were con- cerned with certain species, frequently an insect, that as populations in nature had a significant relation to some problem of human disease, diseases of other animals, or agriculti're. Analvsis of the former prob- lem yielded data on epidemiology, actually an ail excellent example of quantitative ecol- ogy. The distinguished British sanitarian, Major Greenwood (1932), says of this subject: "Epidemiology displays the general factors which operate upon populations or aggregates, and lead to the outbreak of a sickness afltecting several organisms within a short time. The unit of the epidemiologist is the population ..." Thus many of the natural population studies were epidemiological in character and stressed the statistics of host-parasite inter- action. A masterly summary of the prin- ciples vmderlying this science was written by Wade Hampden Frost in 1927. Analyses of insect pest populations fre- quently yielded many data on the abun- dance of such forms in relation to climatic cycles and to predation and parasitization pressures. Some representative studies of the decade were those of Cook (1924) on cutwoiTn populations, Bodenheimer (1925) on the Mediterranean fruit fly, Shelford (1927) on the codling moth, and Swynner- ton (1921) on tsetse fly populations as a vector for trypanosomes. Natural population studies also were concerned with cycles of abundance of mammals and birds. In the literature of the period we find studies on lemmings, mice, rabbits and hares, marmots, musk- rats, and certain ungulates and birds. While the factors controlling these cycles were not analyzed critically in many cases, the information in the literature suggests that the common causes are epidemics, variation in quality and quantity of food, and sunspot or climatic influences. Elton was much taken with this research, as evi- denced by his own papers (1924, 1925) and Chapter 9 in his text. Other represen- tative publications are those by Hewitt (1921) on the wolf, hare, lynx, and red fox; Soper (1921) on hares; and Brooks (1926) on deer. Experimental or laboratory population studies had their essential inception in the decade 1921 to 1930 and grew out of two groups of investigators. On the one hand, ecologists with a traditional background turned their attention, in part at least, to such studies. On the other hand, general biologists and biometricians interested in the experimental approach to growth of groups became interested in such popula- tion studies without the impetus or motiva- FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 61 tion furnished by earlier ecological training. These two origins were wedded later, par- ticularly in the fourth decade. Perhaps a brief elaboration of this subject is in order. Approaching these studies through the ecological door were men like W. C, Alice and Royal N. Chapman, both feehng ap- parently that there was much to be de- sired in terms of environmental control even for natural populations. The method of such men was to bring into the labora- tory an animal that could be cultured there successfully and study its various group responses under reasonably con- trolled conditions.* Chapman transferred his attention to the flour beetle, Tribolium confusum, and in this organism found an answer to his problem. His most important paper appeared in 1928, in which he set forth the concepts of "biotic potential" and "environmental resistance" and substanti- ated them with empirical evidence. We shall return to these ideas in later sections of the book and discuss them carefully (p. 303). Alice continued his work on communities and natural populations, but brought cer- tain phases of these problems into the lab- oratory for solution. Particularly was this true of his investigations on aggregations. An examination of his writings shows that between 1921 and 1930 he studied, as ex- perimental populations, isopods, the brittle starfish (Ophioderma) , the marine flat- worm (Procerodes) and planarian worms. Unlike Chapman, Alice's interest was not so much in the total analysis of the pop- ulation as in studying in the laborator)' certain responses largely protective in character that arose as a consequence of aggregation or population density. The other approach through experimental population studies is typified by the work of Raymond Pearl and his colleagues. Be- tween 1921 and 1930 Pearl and his group published an astounding amount of ma- terial in journal, lecture, and book form on experimental populations of Drosophila melanogaster. It is not our province here " A somewhat idealized definition of an ex- perimental population would be: a group of inbred organisms cultured under controlled, yet manipulatory, environmental conditions for which repeated censuses of all stages can be readily taken. Extensions and modifications of this definition will appear in the section on Populations. to evaluate these studies. It is our respon- sibility to indicate the aspects of the sub- ject covered by them and attempt to weigh their impact on third decade ecology. Pearl was interested in experimental populations from the following five view- points: 1. The form of population growth. This work was largely the demonstration that various populations (e.g., yeast, Parame- cium, Drosophila, man) followed a sigmoid growth curve (the "logistic"). 2. The analysis of population density and its end effects. Pearl was thoroughly con- vinced of the biological importance of this matter. In 1930 he said, "In general there can be no question that this whole matter of influence of density of population, in all senses, upon biological phenomena, de- serves a great deal more investigation than it has had. The indications all are that it is one of the most significant elements in the biological, as distinguished from the phys- ical, environment of organisms" (p. 145). Population density was analyzed primarily as it affected reproduction and mortality. 3. The problem of longevity and those factors, both genetic and ecologic, that in- fluence it. These studies were actuarial in character, and the data were summarized to good advantage in life tables. 4. The possible growth analogies be- tween experimental and human populations. 5. An illustration of the applicability of quantitative methods to biological research. In sum, experimental population studies appealed to the workers of the decade (as well as in the 1931 to 1940 period) for these major reasons : 1. The results can be expressed in quan- titative terms. 2. The end responses that can be studied include such variables of patent biolog- ical importance as: (a) The factors contributing to population growth— fecundity, fertility, fission rate, success and rate of development. (b) The factors contributing to population decline— differential morbidity and mortality. (c) The factors concerned with se- lection pressure. 3. There is an absence of terminology in these studies. 62 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY 4. The studies are theoretically impor- tant, especially in relation to the natural population, the community, statistics ot host-parasite interactions (epidemiology), social origins and social faciUtation, and evolution and speciation. A final development needs mention: Cleveland's work (1924) on the symbiotic relationship between wood-feeding termites and their intestinal flagellates. Here it was demonstrated that the latter, by secreting a cellulose-digesting enzyme, made wood available as food for the termite colony. In turn, the termite gut furnished a micro- niche for the Protozoa. This study was sig- nificant in that it placed symbiosis on an analytical basis and furnished impetus for excellent research in the next decade. Cleveland himself, in collaboration with Hall, Sanders, and Colher, brought forth in 1934 a comprehensive monograph on the symbiosis between the roach Crijpto- cercus and its intestinal Protozoa. This concludes our survey of tlie active third decade. We have examined the trends and developments in ecology that centered both around the physical and the biotic en- vironment. We have seen that this was an era when ideas were just starting to emerge into a broader ecological framework and when ecological research ceased being helter-skelter and started to acquire focus. 1931-1942 In discussing this period we shall ex- tend the interval beyond a decade (to 1942) in order to include several significant trends that appeared in the last several years. In this section it is our plan to make these points: 1. Ecology was exceedingly active, both in terms of volume of work and in qual- ity of ecological effort. 2. Ecology gave signs of maturation. It began to develop, crystalUze, and coordi- nate principles of its own. 3. There was a newborn interest in an ecological framework of theory— a theorv based, not on speculation, but largely on empirical evidence. 4. By 1942 ecology, with notable excep- tions, was in a healthy and lusty state and was looking forward to the decades to come. It is not feasible to survey the progress of this decade by the methods used in the preceding pages of citing research papers and suggesting their influence on the growth of the subject. As a more mature science, ecology in the thirties gave birth to many sorts of activities, which index and epitomize its growth. We shall try to in- dicate what these activities were and then discuss them in enough detail to deHneate the contribution that was theirs.** This should serve also as a sort of summary for the entire historical treatment in the sense that it will show the state of the science in its most modern dress. To our minds, these activities fall into the following larger categories: first, books; second, journals available to and used by ecologists both for recording research and surveying segments of the field; third, review articles in review journals; fourth, symposia; and last, articles of particular significance in the synthesis of ecological theory. Books In discussing the books of the decade we stress the point, as we have done for all the historical treatment, that the Ust is a sample and not a complete tabulation. It is, however, comprehensive enough to cover the field thoroughly. The books pub- Ushed between 1931 and 1942 fall into these eight categories: (a) General texts or reference works pri- marily ecological in character; (b) Books emphasizing the population primarily; (c) Books dealing with sociality and social organization; (d) Books stressing the ecological aspects of zoogeography and dispersal; (e) Books dealing with evolutionary and speciation aspects and containing an ecological (as well as genetic) treat- ment; (/) Books on ecological aspects of behavior; (g) Books on applied ecology; (h) Books on theoretical and philosophical aspects that are difficult to place in the foregoing categories. A fist of books according to this classifi- cation and in the order of their pubhcation dates is given at the end of this chapter. At this place a word of emphasis is in order about the Clements and Shelford Bio- Ecology (1939) and the movement it rep- ** It is obvious, of course, that the account of all these "activities" is reflected in final analysis in the publication of research data. FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TV^^NTIETH CENTURY 63 resents. This book assisted in drawing to- gether the ecological researches of zoolo- gists and botanists under a common denom- inator. It stressed the obvious point that, typically, there is no such thing as a plant community devoid of animals, or con- versely, an animal community devoid of plants. The "bio-ecologists" work with an ecological unit which they designate the "biome."' The population books deal wdth the ex- perimental, the natural, and the human population. We include several books on human populations because they contribute in a real way to the ecologist's thinking and methodology. From certam angles the demographers have had a more scholarly approach to the problem than the ecolo- gists. The books on sociality and social organization are WTitten essentially as pop- ulation studies from which special results are derived. The zoogeography books focus on distribution and dispersion in the Hesse sense; i.e., as they are controlled by envi- ronmental factors. Later we shall show that during the thirties the ecologist turned much of his attention to ecological aspects of evolution. His concern lay with such matters as geo- graphic variation, isolating mechanisms, natural selection, protective coloration, regressive evolution, and so on. The list of books on behavior is pur- posely short. Despite its inextricable rela- tion to any ecological analysis or venture, animal behavior studies per se were matur- ing as a separate field ("comparative psy- chology") and thus making notable contri- butions in their own right. During the decade economic biologists became interested in ecology as a solution for their problems. Also, certain ecologists got interested in economic biologv. Some of this effort yielded first-rate ecological re- search, particularly in the field of biological control, host-parasite relations, and fisheries investigation. The books listed document this point, although a survey of the litera- ture suggests that the papers published in journals are more impressive in terms of intellectual content than are the books. The interest in theoretical ecologv was acute during the thirties, but discussion of this point is best postponed until later. • Their usage of biome is bv no means uniform, and is only in part that of the present work. Journals With each decade the number of national and international journals available for the publication of ecological data and/or theory increased. This is well illustrated by the journals available to the ecologist during the 1931 to 1942 period. The majority of these journals contain many articles that are not ecological. Of the forty-one listed (p. 70) only four are exclusively ecolog- ical: Ecology, Ecological Monographs, the Journal of Animal Ecology, and the Journal of Ecology. The Journal of Animal Ecol- ogy was started in England in 1932 and has been a successful medium for original research articles. It grew out of the Journal of Ecology, in which many first-rate articles on animal ecology had appeared before 1932. In addition to research publication, the Journal of Animal Ecology has helped the ecologist to keep abreast of British pub- lications in the several fields of ecology.* The Foreword to the first issue is of some historical interest. There the editor, Charles Elton, said (p. 1) : "The number of ecological papers dealing; with animals is increasing, and \v\\\ imdoubtedly increase even more rapidly in the near future. It therefore appeared to the British Ecological Society that steps ought to be taken now to make adequate provision both for centralising to some extent the widely scattered papers on animal ecology that are now being produced, and also, by planning well ahead, to anticipate the future development of the subject, which runs a real risk of becoming split unnaturally into isolated compartments of knowledge at- tached to specific scientific and economic spheres, and therefore losing the advantaj^es which come from the pooling of ideas and knowledge in a central journal." More or less concomitant with the found- ing of the Journal of Animal Ecology was the establishment at Oxford University in 1932 of the "Bureau of Animal Population" • These "fields" as defined in the Journal of Animal Ecologtf are: (1) "Ecological surveys and habitat notes;" (2) "General reports and taxonomic studies of use to ecologists;" (3) "Animal behaviour and the action of en\nron- mental factors;" (4) "Parasites;" (5) "Food and food-habits;" (6) "Populations;" (7) "Mi- e;ration, dispersal, and introductions;" (8) "Re- ports of organizations." In this connection it is interesting to note that Biological Abstracts also covers the several fields of ecological literature (see p. 43), from a less provincial point of view. 64 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY under the directorship of Charles Elton. An initial grant from the New York Zoological Society helped make this possible. Its ob- jects were to conduct research on mammal and game-bird populations, and at the same time to act as a world clearinghouse for literature and other information about ani- mal populations and animal ecology gen- erally. The Bureau has continued and ex- panded up to the present time and has been a thoroughly useful institution. Ecology (founded in 1920) continued to serve American needs both in plant and animal fields by furnishing a place for pub- lication of research data and by acting as the oflBcial organ of the Ecological Society of America. In the Foreword to Volume 1 this statement appeared: "This journal is issued to meet the demand for the collective publication of articles on ecology. Its pages are open to all who have material of ecological interest from whatever field of biology. While the variety of fields may cause diversity of treatment, yet the ecological significance of the papers will make them of general interest. Specialization is inevitable, but makes more urgent the need for cooperation. To approach different subjects from similar points of view is to lay the foundations of co- operation." This is followed by an introductory state- ment by Harrington Moore, the first editor, on "The Scope of Ecology." Ecological Monographs was founded in 193 1 to provide a pubhcation medium for longer manuscripts covering extensive studies on both plants and animals, partic- ularly those written from the community point of view. Biological science was characterized gen- erally during the fourth decade by the pub- lication of many review articles, numerous symposia, and critical syntheses of theory. These eflForts helped scientists keep up with current trends. We can learn much of the growth of ecology during the period by brief examination of these three activities. Review Journals The two English language biological re- view journals of greatest circulation appear- ing during the period 1931 to 1942 were the Quarterly Review of Biology, edited at Johns Hopkins University, and Biological Reviews, edited at Cambridge, England. If we tabulate for the former the frequency of ecological articles relative to the total fre- quency, the data for ten volumes look like this: Table 2. Frequency of Ecological Articles to the Total Number of Articles Appearing in the Quarterly Review of Biology (1931-40) Year Volume Number of Articles Number of Ecological Percentage of Ecological Number Articles Articles per Volume per Volume per Volume 1931 6 20 3 15.0 1932 7 22 6 27.3 1933 8 23 5 21.7 1934 9 16 5 31.2 1935 10 17 2 11.8 1936 11 17 2 11.8 1937 12 21 6 28.6 1938 13 22 2 9.1 1939 14 16 4 25.0 1940 15 14 5 35.7 For the ter 1 volumes. . 188 40 21.3 Thus it is apparent, for this journal at least, that a good deal of the review and survey writing of the decade was ecologi- cal when broadly interpreted. The com- parable mean percentage for Biological Reviews is lower, 11.5 per cent. It is not clear whether this means that English stu- dents were not so much concerned with ecological studies as were the Americans, whether the high percentage of the Quar- FIRST FOXm DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 65 Table 3. American Ecological Symposia, 1930-42 Title of Symposium Date of Presen- tation or Pub- lication Sponsorship Published Central Ecological Theme ' Hydrogen-ion Concen- tration" 1930 Ecol. Soc. America Am. Nat., 69 Determination of and effect on animals and plants ' Conditions of Exist- ence of Aquatic Ani- mals" 1933 Chicago "Century of Progress" Exposi- tion Ecol. Mon., 4 Lectures on the physi- cal and biotic en- vironment in oceans and lakes 'Oceanography" 1933 A.A.A.S. Ecol. Mon., 4 Lectures on ocean bac- teria, copepods and marine communities "The Species Problem" 1936 Am. Soc. Zoologists, Genetics Soc. Amer- ica Am. Nat., 70 Factors in the distri- bution of natural populations ' Symposium on Experi- mental Populations" 1937 Ecol. Soc. America, Am. Soc. Zoologists Am. Nat., 71 The nature and data of laboratory popula- tion analyses ' Plant and Animal Com- munities" 1939 Cold Spring Harbor Biological Labora- tory Book: Univ. of Notre Dame Press Aspects of plant and animal communities and animal popula- tions 'Symposium on Insect Populations" 1939 Ecol. Soc. America, Entom. Soc. Amer- ica, Econom. Entom. Ecol. Mon., 9 Aspects of insect natu- ral populations, in- cluding control "Determination of Natu- ral Population Size" 1940 Ecol. Soc. America, Am. Statis. Assoc. Census methods and their evaluation -'^i "Relation of Ecology to Human Welfare" 1940 Ecol. Soc. America Ecol. Mon., 10 Ecology as a technique and point of view for human problems ■'Symposium on Speci- ation" 1941 Am. Soc. Zoologists, Genetics Soc. Amer- ica Biological Sym- posia, 2 Ecological factors af- fecting speciation in several groups "Symposium on the Bi- ological Basis of Social Problems" 1941 Western Soc. Nat., A.A.A.S. Biological Sym- posia, 2 Social integration "Symposium on Popula- tion Problems in Pro- tozoa" 1941 Ecol. Soc. America, Am. Soc. Zoologists Biological Sym- posia, 4 Protozoan populations 'Symposium on the Species Concept" 1941 Western Soc. Nat., A.A.A.S. Biological Sym- posia, 4 Discussion of natural selection and insect speciation 66 / THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY Table 3. American Ecological Symposia, 1930-42 (Continued) Title of Symposium Date of Presen- tation or Pub- lication Sponsorship Published Central Ecological Theme "Symposium on Tem- perature" 1941 Am. Soc. Zoologists, A.A.A.S. Biological Sym- posia, 6 Temperature in rela- tion to evolution 'Symposium on Isolat- ing Mechanisms" 1941 A.A.A.S. Biological Sym- posia, 6 Isolation in toads, gall wasps and Droso- phila "The Development of Quantitative and Ex- perimental Work in Ecology" 1941 Ecol. Soc. America, Soc. Amer. Foresters Ecology, 22 Summarizing papers; using analytical methods "A Symposium on Hydro-biology" 1941 Univ. of Wisconsin Book: Univ. of Wis. Press 32 papers on many phases "Symposium on Animal Populations" 1941 American Soc. Mam- malogists, Field Museum Census methods and ranges of mammal populations "Levels of Integration in Biological and So- cial Systems" 1942 Univ. of Chicago A.A.A.S. Biological Sym- posia, 8 Integration in popu- lations and societies "Dynamics of Produc- tion in Aquatic Popu- lations" 1946 Am. Soc. Zoologists, Ecol. Soc. America, Limnological Soc. America Ecol. Mon., 16 Population productiv- ity terly Review reflected the positive bias of the editor (Pearl), or whether other factors are involved. Symposia During the decade, particularly the lat- ter part, the symposium became a more popular and important medium for the ex- change of ideas. It allowed speciaUsts to meet, to discuss a topic of current interest, and, in many cases, to pubhsh the entire record of the proceedings. From the histori- cal view the symposia are excellent criteria of the temper of the times. They are data on subject matter and personaUties. In this light we present the following tabulation of those American symposia held between 1930 and 1942 (including one held in 1946) that contributed more or less directly to ecological thought (Table 3). The following generalizations seem war- ranted from an examination of the table: 1. There was an active interest in ecolog- ical problems per se. 2. There was also a keen interest in co- ordinating ecologic with other phases of biology. 3. The two topics most frequently dis- cussed were ecological relations of popula- tions and ecological aspects of evolution and speciation. 4. A variety of societies and many inves- tigators cooperated in the entei-prises. 5. Apparently, no great difiiculties were encountered in getting such symposia pub- lished. Synthesis Articles Our final method of appraising the eco- logical trends of the period is to examine certain articles that were concerned with synthesizing an aspect of ecological theory FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 67 These articles are not necessarily review articles. They may merely collate certain segments of information without any inter- pretation. During the 1931 to 1942 period the areas of ecology most frequently sub- jected to such synthesis were {a) the community; (i>) population problems, both intraspecihc and interspecific; (c) society and social integration; and {d) other aspects. There is not time, nor is this tlie place, to discuss the contributions of these articles, and others like them, to ecological theory. That will come later when attention is fo- cussed on specific principles. In general terms the point can be made that ecologists were trying to find a natural pattern into which the data of ecology could be ap- portioned. This was true whether the individual, the population, the society, or the community was studied. This led theo- retically minded students to the question of integration— the mechanism by which an ecological unit maintains that unity in the face of continual environmental impact. Some of the analyses were mathematical, some experimental, and some observational. But they were all concerned with this preg- nant question, and all seemed to suggest that when ecology attains a greater theo- retical orientation, it will emerge as a science of greater stature. As pointed out in the Introduction, this is a perspective shared by the authors of the present book.* CONCLUSION This concludes our treatment of the growth of twentieth century animal ecology. Before closing this chapter, however, a brief review of the forty years considered as a whole seems appropriate. It is our wish here to point out certain of the major his- torical trends in ecology as well as to draw some parallels between the growth of that science and historical phenomena geneially. In 1900 the basic ecological emphasis was relatively simple. Most biologists were aware of the fact that an organism lived in ° An interesting ecological development of the fourth decade that deserves special mention was the organization of field classes to study nocturnal animal communities. Although this was not a completely new venture, its routine adoption did not occur until the early thirties. A note by Orlando Park and H. F. Strohecker ( 1936 ) pointed out the potentialities of such night study. an exploitable environment, and now and then this environment-organism nexus was subjected to analysis. However, the analysis was concerned with that problem as an individual instance. There was not much interest in generalization or theory We pointed out this fact in the Introduction to this book. The early workers, through intel- hgent and enthusiastic labor, unearthed many significant data, and it would be stupid to underestimate their contributions. As the years wore on, a need arose for the integration of facts and concepts. This had a salubrious effect on the development of ecology. It sharpened the awareness of workers to the existence of new and un- solved problems. It brought younger investigators into the field. It demanded the adoption of new techniques developed by other sciences and technologies. It increased the outlets for discussion, pubhcation, re- view, criticism, and intellectual intercourse generally. The twentieth century now can be con- sidered briefly in a more specific way. In the early nineteen hundreds the prime em- phasis was on autecology. Investigators followed either the path of natural history, in which case they were interested, say, in the life cycle of an organism or in its habitat or adaptational morphology, or they entered by the physiological route and studied the behavior, the development, or the toleration of an organism in relation to its immediate environment. With the pass- ing years, work of this type appropriated some of the skills perfected in other sciences, with the result that environmental measurements became more precise and refined. This seems to be the status of aute- cology somewhere in the early twenties. Thereafter, ecologists became interested in "conditions of existence," and there arose a more comprehensive autecology with em- phasis on the analysis of a wide variety of organism-environment relations. This had a final efiFect of incorporating a large body of autecological facts in text and reference books, many of which have been men- tioned. Synecological studies lagged behind aute- cological. There is an obvious explanation for this. The former are inherently more difficult and require a greater background of fact and theory. In the early part of the century there were some sound data on group relations both for aquatic and ter- 68 THE fflSTORY OF ECOLOGY restrial fonns, but the data were relatively few, and, as we pointed out, there was little attempt to see common denominators be- tween the operations of one group and those of another. Ecological succession also furnished an important impetus for the growth of synecology. It caused ecologists to view groups from the long-time vantage point of development and maturation in fact, the early workers spoke of this ap- proach as "genetic." Early in the century certain botanists and zoologists began to conceive of bio tic group- ings as integrated wholes. These they designated "communities." The community concept flourished from then on and, for a time, was identified by some as syn- onymous with ecology. It reached a mode perhaps in the late twenties, when overen- thusiastic workers began manufacturing names for ecological phenomena at a rate that exceeded knowledge and denied wis- dom. Fortunately, this trend is abating, and today community studies are assuming saner proportions and are emerging as a significant phase of ecology. It is clear that they owe their origin to natural history and early synecology of the type discussed. It is equally clear that this phase of ecology is bringing the botanist and zoologist into closer cooperation. An interest in animal aggregations grew up along with and slightly later than com- munity studies. This interest dates far back into ecological history as a descriptive phase, but it did not attain more precise treatment until the last two decades We have shown already how this trend is cur- rently merging into a general sociology. Our review of ecological history also un- covers an urge toward quantification. At the tvirn of the century research was essentially descriptive and quahtative, with certain notable exceptions particularly prevalent among the marine biologists. Later publi- cations became increasingly numerical. This was true both for autecology and .gyne- cology. The former introduced simple algebra, geometry, and graphic techniques borrowed largely from traditional phys- iology and the physical sciences. The latter took over the tool of statistical methods already well developed and applied in other areas by the biometrician. The adoption of these methods in synecology not only im- proved the rigor of the evidence, but increased as well the ecologist's awareness of the essential nature of groups and their properties. We attribute in part the rise of interest in natural and experimental populations during the third decade to this quantifica- tion. Ecologists apparently reahzed that many environmental phenomena can be stated numerically. They then found out that upon analysis these numbers yielded conclusions more searching than those based upon observation alone. Such meth- odology naturally became part and parcel of population research (see Thomas Park, 1946). Another trend worthy of emphasis is the growth of apphed ecology. Early in the cen- tury economic problems were largely those of insect control and fisheries biology. These problems were usually tackled in a restrict- ed way. Later, as the economic zoologist and the ecologist built bodies of knowledge, we see the two turning to each other for suggestions and advice. This now reaches a point among the best modern workers where data collected by one group are directly usable by the other. This rap- prochement is excellent. In mentioning applied ecology, it should be recorded here that the activities now known as "game management" and "wild- hfe conservation" have appropriated, in in- creasing measure and to their advantage, a more circumscribed ecological flavor. These fields were foreshadowed by the splendid book entitled The Grouse in Health and in Disease, edited by A. S. Leshe and A. E. Shipley (1912), and, latterly, by such volumes as Game Management by Aldo Leopold (1933) and H. L. Stoddard's The Bobwhite Quail: Its Habits, Preserva- tion and Increase (1932). Then, too, the work of agronomists, particularly those as- sociated with pubhc agencies both here and abroad, has yielded knowledge valu- able not only for the ecologist (see chap. 16), but for the general problem of con- servation as well. In fact, we are tempted to remark that the ecologist, given the op- portunity, has something to say, both scientific and constructive, about the urgent and gloomy problem of conservation and about the establishment of "nature re- serves." Although other trends could be pointed out, enough has been said to give the read- er the major features. In closing, we are impressed once more by the fact that a FIRST FOXm DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 69 historical development in science parallels closely the growth of a culture or a civili- zation. For both, there are fads, fancies, and cycles. For all, there are good works and poor works, and occasionally an out- standing contribution identifies itself. We can spot ingenuous scholars, plodders, slug- gards, the industrious, and, frequently, those who are more noted for what they did not do or say than for their positive accom- plishments. Such cross currents as these obfuscate the story and make it hard to decipher. But they do give it color and even humor. It is thus that man-made things develop, and the history of animal ecology is no exception to the rule. APPENDIX A. Books published between 1931 and 1942, arranged according to their classification. 1. GENERAL TEXTS OR REFERENCE WORKS Chapman, R. N.: Animal Ecology with Especial Reference to Insects, 1931. Uvarov, B. P.: Insects and Climate (mono- graph), 1931. Elton, C: The Ecology of Animals, 1933. Stork, J. W., and Renouf, L. P. W.: Plant and Animal Ecology, 1933. Bews, J. W.: Human Ecology, 1935. Elton, C: Animal Ecology (2nd edition), 1935. Hesse, R., and Doflein, F.: Tierbau und Tier- leben in ihrem Zusammenhang betrachtet, 1935-1943 (2nd ed. by R. Hesse). Welch, P. S.: Limnology, 1935. Needham, J. G. (editor): Culture Methods for Invertebrate Animals ( compendium ) , 1937. Bodenheimer, F. S.: Problems of Animal Ecology, 1938. Carpenter, j. R.: An Ecological Glossary, 1938. Clements, F. E., and Shelf ord, V. E.: Bio- ecology, 1939. Just, T. (editor): Plant and Animal Com- munities (compendium), 1939. Morgan, A. H.: Fieldbook of Animals in Winter, 1939. Moulton, F. R. (editor): Problems of Lake Biology (compendium), 1939a. Park, O., Allee, W. C. and Shelford, V. E.: A Laboratory Introduction to Animal Ecol- ogy and Taxonomy, 1939. Pearse, A. S.: Animal Ecology (2nd edition), 1939. Calkins, G. N., and Summer, F. M. (editors): Protozoa in Biological Research (com- pendium), 1941. Needham, J. G., et al. (editor): A Symposium on Hydrobiology (compendium), 1941. Sverdrup, H. U., Johnson, M. W., and Fleming, R. H.: The Oceans: Their Physics, Chemistry and General Biology, 1942. 2. THE POPULATION Allee, W. C: Animal Aggregations. A study in General Sociology, 1931. H jort, J. ( editor ) : Essays on Population ( com- pendium), 1933. Cause, G. F. The Struggle for Existence, 1934. Lorimer, F., and Osborn, F.: Dynamics of Population, 1934. Gause, G. F.: Verifications experimentales de la theorie mathematique de la lutte pour la vie (monograph), 1935. Greenwood, M.: Epidemics and Crowd-Dis- eases. An Introduction to the Study of Epidemiology, 1935. Dublin, L. I., and Lotka, A. J.: Length of Life; An Introduction to the Study of the Life- Table, 1936. Pearl, R.: The Natural History of Populations, 1939. Simpson, G. G., and Roe, A.: Quantitative Zoology, 1939. Elton, C: Voles, Mice and Lemmings. Prob- lems in Population Dynamics, 1942. Russell, E. S.: The Overfishing Problems, 1942. 3. SOCIALITY AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Allee, W. C: Animal Life and Social Growth, 1932. Kostitzin, V. A.: Symbiose, parasitisme et evo- lution, 1934. Darling, F. F.: A Herd of Red Deer. A Study in Animal Behaviour, 1937. Allee, W. C: The Social Life of Animals, 1938 Darling, F. F.: Bird Flocks and the Breeding Cycle; A Contribution to the Study of Avian Sociality, 1938. Jennings, H. S.: The Beginnings of Social be- havior in Multicellular Organisms, 1940. 4. ZOOGEOGRAPHY AND DISPERSAL Rowan, W.: The Riddle of Migration, 1931. Heape, W.: Emigration, Migration and Nomad- ism, 1932. Ekman, S.: Tiergeographie des Meeres, 1935. Pearse, A. S.: The Migrations of Animals from Sea to Land, 1936. Hesse, R., Allee, W. C, and Schmidt, K. P.: Ecological Animal Geography, 1937. Moulton, F. R. (editor): The Migration and Conservation of Salmon (compendium), 1939. 5. EVOLUTIONARY AND SPECIATION ASPECTS Sumner, F. B.: Genetic, Distributional and Evolutionary Studies of the Subspecies of Deermice (Peromyscus) (monograph), 1932. 70 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY Harms, J. W.: Wandlung des Artgefiiges unter natiirlichen und kiinstlichen Umweltsbe- dingungen, 1934. Prenant, M.: Adaptation, ecologie et biocoeno- tique, 1934. Kinsey, A. C: The Origin of Higher Categories in Cynips, 1936. Robson, G. C, and Richards, O. W.: The Variation of Animals in Nature, 1936. Shull. A. F.: Evolution, 1936. Dobzhansky, T.: Genetics and the Origin of Species, 1937. DeBeer, G. R. (editor): Evolution; Essays on Aspects of Evolutionary Biology (com- pendium), 1938. Banta, A. M., et al.: Studies on the Phvsiology, Genetics and Evolution of Some Cladocera (monograph), 1939. Cott, H. B.: Adaptive Coloration in Animals, 1940. Huxley, J. (editor): The New Systematics (compendium), 1940. Walls, G.: The Vertebrate Eye and Its Adap- tive Radiation, 1942. Huxley, T-: Evolution, 1942. Mayr, E.: Systematics and the Origin of Species, 1942. 6. BEHAVIOR ASPECTS Russell, E. S.: The Behavior of Animals; An Introduction to Its Study, 1934. Fraenkel, G., and Gunn, D. L.: The Orientation of Animals, 1940. Warden, C. T., Jenkins, T. N., and Warner, L. H.: Comparative Psychology. Vol. 1, Principles and Methods; vol. 2, Plants and Invertebrates; vol. 3, Vertebrates, 1935^0, 7. APPLIED AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF ECOLOGY Stoddard, H. L.: The Bobwhite Quail: Its Habits, Preservation and Increase, 1932. Leopold, Aldo.: Game Management, 1933. Sweetman, H. L.: The Biological Control of Insects, 1936. Swynnerton, C. F. M. : The Tsetse Flies of East Africa (monograph), 1936. Riley, W. A., and Johannsen, O. A.: Medical Entomology, 1938. Herms. W. B.: Medical Entomology, 1939. Metcalf. C. L.. and Flint. W. P.: Destructive and Useful Insects: Their Habits and Con- trol, 1939. Clausen, C. P.: Entomophagous Insects, 1940. Dunham, G. C: Military Preventive Medicine, 1940. 3abrielson, I. N.: Wildlife Conservation, 1941. 8. PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEORETICAL ASPECTS Lotka, A. J.: Throne analytique des associa- tions biologiques, 1934. Kostitzin, V. A.: Biologic mathematique, 1937. Hjort, J.: The Human value of Biology, 1938. Wheeler, W. M.: Essays in Philosophical Bi- ology (a collection edited by G. H. Parker), 1939. Several comments are in order about this list. The reader may ask: Are there treatises on physical conditions or on communities? The former is covered in two places: in technical sources such as handbooks on physiology, bio- chemist)', meteorology, and so on, and partic- ularly in the general texts and references. Thus CliajTman, Uvarov, Welch, Bodenheimer, and Pearse all enter into such matters in consider- able detail. Likewise, the community studies are covered primarily in the general texts. Elton (1935), Clements and Shelf ord, and Just stressed this problem. B. Journals containing ecological articles published between 1931 and 1942. The list ex- cludes provincial and governmental bulletins, weeklies and semipopular periodicals. It is patently biassed in favor of Enghsh-vmting scientists. The figure following each title is the number of the 1935 volume. Acta Biotheoretica (vol. 1, 1937). American Midland Naturalist, 16. American Naturalist, 65. Annals of Applied Biology, 22. Archiv fiir Hydrobiologie, 32. Archiv fiir Protistenkunde, 89. The Auk, 52. Biologia Generalis, 11. Biological Bulletin, 68. Bulletin of Entomological Research, 26. Condor, 37. Copeia (founded in 1913; no volume numbers). Die Binnengewasser, 4. Ecological Monographs, 5. Ecology. 16. Entomological Society of America, Annals, 28. Human Biology, 7. Hvalradets Skrifter. Scientific results of marine biological research (founded 1931; no volume numbers). Internationale Revue der gesamten Hydro- biologie und Hydrographie. Journal du Conseil. Counseil permanent inter- national pour I'exploration de la mer, 10. Tournal of Agricultural Research, 58. Tournal of Animal Ecology, 4. Journal of Ecology, 23. Tournal of Economic Entomology, 28. Journal of Experimental Biology, 12. Journal of Experimental Zoology, 71. Tournal of Mammalogv, 16. Journal of Wildlife Management (volume 1, 1936). Marine Biological Association, Journal, 19. Parasitology, 27. Physiological Zoology, 8. Population (founded 1933; irregular volumes). FIRST FOUR DECADES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 71 Quarterly Review of Biology, 10. Kevista de entomologia, 6. Royal Society, Proceedings (series B), 119. Scientia, 29. Zeitschrift fiir Morphologic und Okologie der Tiere, 12. Zoogeograpliica (founded 1932; irregular volumes ) . Zoogeographica Argentina (founded 1942). Zoological Society of London, Proceedings, 105. Zoologische Jahrbiicher. Abteilung fiir Systema- tik, okologie und Geographic der Tiere, 67. C. Review articles of ecological interest published between 1931 and 1942 in the Quarterly Review of Biology, Johnson, G. E.: Hibernation in Mammals, 1931. Cause, G. F,: Ecology of Populations, 1932. Gulick, A.: Biological Pecuharities of Oceanic Islands, 1932. Allen, W. E.: The Primary Food Supply of the Sea, 1934. Cravv^ord, S. C: The Habits and Charac- teristics of Nocturnal Animals, 1934. Higgins, E.: Fishery Biology. Its Scope, De- velopment and Apphcations, 1934. Severtzott, S. A.: On the Dynamics of Popula- tions of Vertebrates, 1934. Pearl, R., and Miner, J. R.: The Comparative Mortality of Certain Lower Organisms, 1935. Taylor, W. P.: Significance of the Biotic Com- munity in Ecological Studies, 1935a. Cause, G. F.: The Principles of Biocoenology, 1936. Bodenheimer, F. S.: Seasonal Population Trends of the Honey-Bee, 1937a. McAtee, W. L.: Survival of the Ordinary, 1937. Clarke, G. L.: The Relation between Diatoms and Copepods as a Factor in the Pro- ductivity of the Sea, 1939b. Hammond, E. C: Biological Effects of Popu- lation Density in Lower Organisms, Part 1, 1938; Part 2, 1939. Gait, W.: The Principle of Cooperation in Be- havior, 1940. Lindsey, A. A.: Recent Advances in Antarctic Bio-geography, 1940. Park, T.: The Laboratory Population as a Test of a Comprehensive Ecological System, 1941. Davis, D. E.: The Phylogeny of Social Nesting Habits in the Crotophaginae, 1942. D. Synthesis articles representative of the several fields of ecology published between 1931 and 1942. These papers seem to us to be contributions to thinking as well as to fact finding. They are arranged according to the four categories listed on page 67, tull cita- tion is given in the Bibfiography. 1. THE COMMUNITY Taylor, VV. P.: Significance of the Biotic Com- munity in Ecological Studies, 1935. Cause, G. F.: The Principles ot Biocoenology, 1936. Lucas, C. E.: Some Aspects of Integration in Plankton Communities, 1938. Carpenter, J. R.: Recent Russian Work on Community Ecology, 1939." Gleason, H. A.: The Inclividuafistic Concept of the Plant Association, 1939. Park, O.: Nocturnafism— The Development of a Problem, 1940. 2. POPULATION PROBLEMS Hogben, L.: Some Biological Aspects of the Population Problem, 1931. Chapman, R. N.: The Cause of Fluctuations of Populations of Insects, 1933. Hjort, ]., Jahn G., and Ottestad, P.: The Optimum Catch, 1933. Nicholson, A. J.: The Balance of Animal Populations, 1933. Ottestad, P.: A Mathematical Method for the Study of Growth, 1933. Allee, W. C: Recent Studies in Mass Physi- ology, iy34a. Smith, H. S.: The Role of Biotic Factors in the Determination of Population Densities, 1935. Errington, P. L.: What Is the Meaning of Predation? 1937a. Ford, J.: Research on Populations of Tribolium confusum and Its Bearing on Ecological Theory: A Summary, 1937. MacLuHch, D. A.: Fluctuations in the Numbers of the Varying Hare, Lepiis aniericanus, 1937. McAtee, W. L.: Survival of the Ordinary, 1937. Pearl, R.: On Biological Principles Afi^ecting Populations: Human and Other, 1937. " There has been much Russian work in ecol- ogy pubhshed during the last ten years or so. Unfortunately, and because of language diffi- culties, this is essentially inaccessible to Ameri- can ecologists. This is a pity. AU concerned would benefit if the data and conclusions of such books, papers, and journals could be studied. Elton recognized the point for English ecologists in his 1942 book (p. 69) when he said, "Few scientists outside Russia seem to be aware of the phenomenal growth of ecological research under the auspices of the U.S.S.R., especially during the last ten years. Even con- sidered only as a scheme of organization on paper, these new developments take one's breath away. A whole generation of well- trained workers is growing up and beginning to produce research of a high order. Car- penter's paper forms a very useful guide to the organization of this work." 72 THE HISTORY OF ECOLOGY Hammond, E. C: Biological EflFects of Popula- tion Density in Lower Organisms, 1938. Park, T.: Analytical Population Studies in Rela- tion to General Ecology, 1939. Thompson, W. R.: Biological Control and Theories of Population Interaction, 1939. Rhodes, E. C: Population Mathematics. I, II, and III, 1940. Wright, S.: Breeding Structure of Populations in Relation to Speciation, 1940. Allee, W. C: Integration of Problems Con- cerning Protozoan Populations, 1941. Park, T.: The Laboratory Population as a Test of a Comprehensive Ecological System, 1941. 3. SOCIETY AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION Phillips, J. F. v.: Succession, Development, the Climax, and the Complex Organism: An Analysis of Concepts, 1934—35. Emerson, A. E.: Social Co-ordination and the Superorganism, 1939. Allee, W. C: Concerning the Origin of Soci- ality in Animals, 1940. Child, C. M.: Social Integration as a Biological Process, 1940. Gait, W.: The Principle of Cooperation in Be- havior, 1940. Gerard, R. W.: Organism, Society and Science, 1940. Park, O.: Concerning Community Symmetry, 1941a. 4. OTHER ASPECTS Klaauw, C. J. van der: Zur Aufteilung der Okologie in Autbkologie und Synokologie, im Lichte der Ideen als Grundlage der Systematik der zoologischen Disziplinen, 1936. Daubenmire, R. F.: Merriam's Life Zones of North America, 1938. Hjort, J.: The Human Value of Biology, 1938. Allee, W. C, and Park, T.: Concerning Eco- logical Principles, 1939. Note: Certain of the quotations used in this chapter have been slightly altered without change of meaning in the interest of brevity. SECTION II. ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT 4. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT FITNESS OF ENVIRONMENT We are not here concerned with an imagi- nary ecology based upon a hypothetical environment inhabited by fancied organ- isms evolved in some vaguely conceived system of life. Such a complex may exist, for all we know, with a different chemical and physical basis from the one we have on the earth. It is sometimes amusing to speculate on the possibilities of living systems that may have developed under conditions of low temperature that obtain, for example, on the outer planets of our solar system. If such life exists, its environ- ment might conceivably be based upon and largely determined by the properties of ammonia. This substance boils at —33.5° C* and has many fitnesses for being the controlling element in an environ- ment-organism complex which, in many features, would not be too far removed trom that on the earth. There is also the more remote possibility of metabolizing, re- producing organisms that live at tempera- tures well above the upper limits of life here. The organic chemistry of such systems might perhaps be based on silicon rather than on carbon. Instead of dealing with imaginary situa- tions, we are confronted by the ecology of the earth as we know it, populated by or- ganisms that have evolved here from the basis furnished principally by water car- bon dioxide, and their elements, together with nitrogen (Henderson, 1913). These substances tend strongly to dominate and control both the earth's environment and the life which inhabits it. They are aided bv many other elements; at least thirty-six (Fearon, 1933) and probablv forty-six (Hutchinson, 1943, p. 342) of the ninetv- * Unless otherwise stated, all temperatures are given in degrees Centigrade. six elements that are believed to constitute the universe are major or minor constituents of protoplasm. There is suggestive evidence that the chemical elements essential for life are not a random lot, but are correlated with atomic structure (Steinberg, 1938). On the earth, life requires the fol lowing environmental conditions (Lafleui, 1941): 1. An available set of chemicals that will allow variation and reproduction and will carry on the complex processes of metabo- lism. 2. A suitable temperature; the high tem- perature on the average star excludes the possibility of the organization of molecules of sufficient complexity to serve as the basis of life. Cold slows down chemical processes, so that near absolute zero Life is as impos- sible as it would be at some hundreds of degrees higher temperature. Life in general occurs much nearer the lowest possible than the highest known temperatures; it is essentially limited to relatively cold environ- ments. Living protoplasm in latent stages has survived temperatures as low as about -270° C. and as high as 150° C. (see Fig 2). Practically, hfe is limited to the tern peratures at which water is a relatively warm solid or a cool to warm hquid, and exists only in a narrow range of tempera- tures far below the upper limit for inor- ganic matter that reaches some thousands or even millions of degrees (Huntington 1945) . Molten lava aside, life in some form can exist at most earth temperatures. 3. The proper range of density and pres sure; the pressure of a cool "white dwarf star makes molecular organization impos sible. At the other extreme in the slight density of a diffuse nebula, it is impossible for a molecule to collect and align needed chemical units. From the preceding three paragraphs it 73 74 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT follows that a viscous state is necessary which is not too near an ideal soUd or an ideal liquid; in the intermediate colloidal gel and sol we find suflficient solidity to per- mit organization and enough Hquidity to allow change. Life, as we know it, is a matter of the colloidal state.' ABSOLUTE 4000° 3000^ 2000' 000 0^ mz^. CENTIGRADE 3500° CARBON 1755° PLATINUM 658.7 ALUM IN Ul 100° 0° -273* Fig. 2. Lower end of the temperature scale, showing melting points of carbon, platinum, and aluminum. The cross hatched space indi- cates the biokinetic temperature zone; dotted spaces show temperatures tolerated by some dry protoplasms. ( Modified from Belehradek. ) 4. There must be a source or sources of energy and of new materials; there is also a need for controlled reaction rates. Thus in the liberation of metabolic energy, food stuffs are burned by oxygen at controlled rates to supply the body needs. If these re- actions occurred spontaneously, without special enzymes regulating the rates, this * We reserve judgment concerning the rela- tion of crystalline virus to life in general. control would be impossible, the burning would get out of hand, and no sugar or other food reserves could exist.** Limited but renewable amounts of all needed mate- rials and energy must be locally available to permit hving processes to continue. Thus the sun's radiation is a source of energy that reaches the earth in limited amounts, but which so far has been endlessly re- newed and shows no sign of becoming exhausted in the near future. We have gained a much better under- standing of energy generation in the sun in the last few decades. The present age of the sun is now estimated to approximate two thousand million years. "During the next ten-thousand-million years the sun is ex- pected to increase about a hundred-fold in luminosity, after which all of its hydrogen will have been converted to hehum. It will then rapidly dechne and disappear as a star of the so-called 'main-sequence.' "t 5. The absorption of lethal ultraviolet rays of the atmosphere is of great impor- tance. Life, again as we know it, could not occur on the earth today if these shorter abiotic rays were not screened out. Such rays are produced by the sun, which acts in this respect as a black-body radiator with a surface temperature of 6000° C. and an internal temperature of several milhon de- grees. Oxygen absorbs wavelengths shorter than about 200 angstrom units (A), but is somewhat less effective in screening out those up to 2530 A. The absorption causes oxygen to become ozone, which absorbs waves shorter than 3000 A, though it does not completely ehminate those longer than 2860 A. Today radiations shorter than 2830 A fail to reach the earth's surface. This fifth consideration raises some in- teresting matters that deserve brief atten- tion immediately. The question whether the present day type of atmospheric screening has always existed cannot be answered with certainty. One set of students think that oxygen was present in the atmosphere while the earth was cooling; others postulate a primeval atmosphere without oxygen. Ac- cording to the latter point of view, the condensation of water vapor from the prim- itive atmosphere made a shallow sea and ** Gerard, R. W., personal communication, 1942. f Personal communication from Otto Struve, who cites Gamow (1940). THE GENEJiAL ENVIRONMENT 75 left a relatively rarefied atmosphere that was probably free from oxygen and, there- tore, from ozone. There is a fair possibility that the early atmosphere did lack oxygen and that the gases then present did not act as effective screens for ultraviolet radiation. If the sun's full ultraviolet spectrum did reach the pri- meval earth, some possible effects include the following: 1. Under the influence of photochemi- cally active radiations, the relatively inert chemicals dissolved in the oceans might well have formed increasingly complex or- ganic compounds with varied colloidal structures until, finally, Hving substance it- self was synthesized. This photochemical hypothesis avoids certain difficulties im- posed by the more usual postulation of a theiTnal activation of the beginning of Ufe. It is pertinent that ultraviolet radiation is reported to effect the synthesis of carbo- hydrates from carbon dioxide and watei without the aid of chlorophyll (Baly, 1929). Radiations of comparable wave- length acting on modern genes accelerate the rate of mutation. Hence, perhaps, we could expect more rapid evolution in an environment in which they were effectively present in graded intensities. 2. If the initial hving material so formed was similar to present day protoplasm, it could have remained aUve only in or near the shadows cast by objects Hke rocks that are opaque to these shorter solar radiations, or in other niches where the newly formed life would not have been exposed for the whole day to the action of the lethal rays. Water could have furnished suitable pro- tection only where it was very deep. It follows that the presence of such abiotic rays above the protecting umbrella of the earth's atmosphere would probably, then as now, kill cysts and spores that might be drifting through interplanetary space. It may be recalled that the theory of the ex- tramundane origin of the ancestors of all Ufe now found on the earth has been sup- ported by various outstanding scientists, the chemist Arrhenius among them. Photo- chemical considerations are strongly op- posed to such a possibility. The change in the ultraviolet spectrum, after the production of the oxygen-ozone atmospheric screen, would account for the apparent absence of spontaneous genera- tion of life on the earth today when theory apparently demands such an origin at some time in the remote past. This whole fine of speculation assumes that the oxygen now in our atmosphere has been largely pro- duced by pholosynthetic activity of plants and, hence, that fife itself has played an important role in estabUsliing its modern environment. These particular speculations are developed further by Hutchinson (1944) and Giese (1945), who cite many key references. Oparin (1938) marshalls the evidence indicating that fife evolved on the etirth from simple inorganic materials. According to his reconstruction, the sUghtly cooled earth had a central molten core containing metals acquired originally from the sun. The core was surrounded by "a membrane of primary igneous rocks" and enveloped in an atmosphere made up in the main of superheated steam. Oxygen and carbon dioxide were not present in the original atmosphere, but developed secondarily. Carbon itself first appeared as carbide of iron and other metals, all coming from the parent sun. According to these views, hydrocarbons arose from the action of water on the metalhc carbides. Nitrogen also ap- peared on the earth in the reduced state, probably as ammonia. Oparin summarized the essence of his argument as follows (p. 126): "Hydrocarbon derivatives such as alcohols, aldehydes, organic acids, amines, amides, etc., undergo important transformations when tlieir aqueous solutions are allowed to stand. In these solutions the dissolved substances undergo re- actions of condensation and polymerization, as well as oxidation-reduction reactions; in other words, every type of change occurring in the living cell. As a result, numerous high molec- ular compounds, similar to those present in living cells, may appear in aqueous solutions of hydrocarbon derivatives on long standing." From these, given more time, comes the origin of primary colloidal systems and finally of organisms. Living protoplasm is not adjusted to meet the extreme conditions known to exist within our solar system. Environmental ex- tremes must not be too great, and the transition from one extreme to another must not be too sudden. With life based pri- marily on water as ours is, the temperature for active metabolism can range only a few degrees below to a few tens of degrees C. 76 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT above zeic These conditions are furnished by the earth, which rotates on an axis while revolving about an energy-shedding sun. In general terms, the earth is a dense, crusted body of sufficient size to have strong enough gravitational attraction to hold an extensive gaseous atmosphere, but not strong enough to hold more than a trace of tree hydrogen. The presence of water and carbon dioxide in the atmosphere seems to be a normal result of the physical and chemical properties of water and car- bon dioxide that have much to do with regulating the general environment of hving things on the earth. There is good reason to beUeve that "water is the substance whose movement in the organic and in the inor- ganic world constitutes the first, the most fundamentally important activity in the world that we five in" (Henderson, 1922). Water has a number of remarkable quah- ties that make it an important factor in the environment of hving things as well as the major ingredient of Hving protoplasm. It is a stable chemical compound that passes readily through soUd, Hquid, and gaseous states at what we call ordinary tempera- tures. The thermal properties of water, added to its abundance and wide distribu- tion, make it an important temperature regulator. Its great power as a solvent, espe- cially of electrolytes, and its inertness, which allows many chemicals to pass into and out of solution readily and without change, make it an important bearer of chemical suppfies. The property of expan- sion before freezing has important effects upon fife in bodies of water that freeze over. The high surface tension of water, among other things, accounts for the rise of soil water through capillary attraction, and is important in adsorption, which, with other properties of water, makes it of high value in the formation of colloids. There is also a relatively high order of trans- parency, mobihty, and incompressibihty. In a different field, water has a markedly high dielectric constant and great ionizing power, Water furnishes the basic environmental division into aquatic and terrestrial habitats. Another compound that, with water, is of greatest importance in fife processes is carbon dioxide. The environment-control- ling properties of carbon dioxide are less important than those of water. Carbon dioxide enters and leaves water freely; at ordinary temperatures its absorption coeffi- cient approaches unity; hence carbon dioxide can never be wholly washed from air into water or taken from water into the air. In water, carbon dioxide forms a weak acid that adds to the solvent power of water, and since the acid is dibasic, it has marked power as a chemical buffer and so helps maintain a near neutraUty in the acid-base relations of the environment. Since carbon dioxide is present as a gas in the atmosphere and in solution in water, and since it can readily be extracted from both sources and also readily enters into chemical combinations, it forms an impor- tant nutrient for plants. Under the synthe- siidng processes, particularly those of photo- synthesis, carbon becomes the center of a whole class of chemical compounds that are so important chemically that they make up the content of a distinct phase of chemistry, so-called organic chemistry, which consists of the chemistry of the carbon compounds. Carbon has the remarkable abihty of com- bining with itself to form the basis of complex molecules which, when combined particularly with hydrogen, oxygen, nitro- gen, phosphorous, and calcium, to mention those that, respectively, compose 1 per cent or more of the organism (Fearon, 1933), make a pecuHarly fit system of chemical compounds for use by living organisms as sources of matter and energy for the proc- esses of metabohsm. We are accustomed to the idea that or- ganisms show adaptations of fitnesses to the environment in which they five, and also to the more general view that, everything con- sidered, hfe in the large is well adapted to its generahzed environment. Despite the fact that the idea is no longer new, many do not yet appreciate the basic ecological principle that, given matter and energy and the resulting probabihty that hfe when and where it develops will be a mechanism (a complex mechanism, to be sure), the surface of a sohd body such as the earth- placed as it is in relation to a central energy-giving sun— does actually provide an excellent general environment for the hving organism as we know it. It is possible for the biochemist Henderson (1913, p. 273) to maintain without successful contradic- tion to date that this is actually "the best of all possible environments for hfe." Certainly the fitness of the organisms, which, as the idea of adaptation, Claude Bernard urged should be the basal prin- THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 77 ciple for all physiology, is only one phase of the relationship. The environment is also relatively a fit place for life. Reflection indicates that both phases of this reciprocal fitness are inherently imperative. The envi- ronment must have been more than pas- sively favorable; otherwise hfe would prob- ably not have originated and persisted. This is the primary fitness. The general adapta- tion of organisms to their environment fol- lows as a necessary corollary. The developing reciprocity of environ- ment and organism has produced funda- mental and far-reaching results. At one time, probably, the atmosphere of the earth consisted chiefly of water vapor and carbon dioxide. Cooling caused the condensation of most of the water, and geological proc- esses, aided in recent geological time by the action of vegetation and the fixation of carbon in coal and peat, have removed nearly all the carbon dioxide. This has re- sulted in the evolution of an atmosphere in which inert nitrogen forms the greatest bulk and in which oxygen is the most im- portant active chemical element. As a further evidence of reciprocity be- tween living and nonliving nature, Ver- nadsky (1929) suggests that all the free oxygen of the earth (1.5 X 10" gm.) is produced by life alone. Hence, not only are organisms acted on by the environment, but they also react upon it to produce note- worthy changes to which, in turn, evolving life mvist adapt itself or perish. In discussing the general principle of the fitness of the earth's environment as the basis of life, certain deficiencies must not be overlooked that make it less than ideally fit.* Because of the relatively high opacity of water, anabolic life is confined to a relatively thin film near the surface, while the intermediate reaches and the vast ocean bottom are sparsely inhabited by sapro- phytes and scavengers, predators and para- sites. The atmosphere, as a result of its low degree of buoyancv, cannot be used as a permanent habitat by organisms, and even its lower reaches can be used as a passage- way only bv accident or by highly special ized forms. The entire ocean of air sup- ports only a sparse and transient popula- tion near its lower phase boundary. On • The discussion is based on a personal com- munication from Dr. William Etkin. account of the same lack of buoyancy and also because of the usually strong drying power of the air, even earth-supported life is limited to a biosphere which, as a per- manent habitat for living things, never rises more than a few tens of meters above the earth's surface. Because of seasonal and regional variations in distribution of heat and water vapor, approximately half of the terrestrial surface of the earth is an impos- sible environment except for a sparse popu- lation of specially adapted organisms. These environmental deficiencies would not have had their present values during much of geological time (p. 8). Cold alone closes almost all of the interior of one whole continent, Antarctica, to endemic hfe. The sparseness of water vapor results in large areas being inhabited but shghtly; the Sa- hara desert is an excellent example. Yet, while recognizing such difficulties with the earth as an environment for life, we are reminded by Henderson (1917) that water is more widely distributed over the face of the earth than is any other known com- pound. To continue with the disadvantages: The relative stability of many carbon compounds and their insolubility in water have resulted in a gradual piling up of carbon in coal and peat deposits, with a resulting reduction in the availability of this substance as a plant nutrient. The stability of nitrogen closes most of the great atmospheric store to use by organisms. Such facts indicate that despite many niceties of fit, the properties of matter can hardly be said to be gener- ously above the minimum required for the origin and maintenance of living systems. Realizing the importance of these weak- nesses in the Hendersonian argument we can still conclude this phase of the present discussion with another quotation from Henderson (1914, p. 527) : "Just because life must manifest itself in and tlirougfh mechanism, fust because, being in this world, it must inhabit a more or less durable, more or less active physico-chemical system of more or less complexity in its phases, com- ponents and concentrations, it is conditioned. The inorganic, such as it is, imposes certain conditions on the organic. Accordingly, our conclusion is this: The special characteristics of the inorganic are the fittest for those general characteristics of the organic which the general characteristics of the inorganic impose upon the organic. This is the one side of reciprocal 78 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT biological fitness. The other side may be similarly stated: through adaptation the special characteristics of the organic come to lit the special characteristics of a particular environ- ment, to fit, not any planet, but a little corner of the earth." VARIATIONS IN SPACE The division into aquatic and terrestrial organisms or habitats is primary for ecol- ogy. The distribution of large bodies of water is important, not alone in detennin- ing the general outlines of the biogeography of the world, but also in the regulation of temperature and rainfall. Biogeographically, the oceans provide highways for the dis- persal of marine organisms; at the same time they are barriers for animals of the land, of fresh waters, and even for many inhabitants of the shallow, inshore waters of the sea. The present day distribution of plants and animals depends both on the existing configuration of bodies of land and of water and upon the past history of these configurations. Here we come squarely upon an active controversy that centers about the possible existence of oceanic land bridges. In their more extreme forms, the geological prin- ciples of the relative permanence of the present ocean basins, based especially on the principle of isotasy, are sharply op- posed to theories of transoceanic land con- nections or to Wegener's idea of continental drift. The issues involve such matters as continental and insular isolation, the loca- tion and duration of routes of travel, and the methods of dispersal of organisms in general and in particular. The distribution of salts in water is fundamental for large-scale distinctions in the distribution of aquatic organisms. The highly saline lakes or lagoons, the oceans, and the fresh waters of the world form a series of distinct environments. Gradual transitions occur, and brackish water makes a well-known transition between marine and fresh-water environments. The general principles and facts concern- ing the broad temperature zones of the world are well known. It is not so generally appreciated that the present zonal climate is a recurrent, relatively transitory phase of climatic history. Throughout much of the time that the earth has been inhabited, the continents have stood lower in relation to sea level than they are at present, and relatively mild temperatures have exLended into subpolar regions. In other words, the strong zonal provincialism of present day temperature belts has usually been re- placed by a broad uniformity. One of the unsolved problems of modern world climate is whether we are now in another inter- glacial period or are moving toward the general amelioration of world climates. The phases of temperature zonation concerned with life zones will be considered in more detail later (p. 114). Meantime, it should be lecalled that many regional or local factors act to modify the tempera- ture in a given region from that to be ex- pected on an idealized globe. Distance from the ocean is one of the modifying factors. The ocean is the great temperature regu- lator of the world. Islands and coastal areas, in general, undergo relatively slight temperature fluctuations as contrasted with the extremes found in the midcontinental climates at the same latitude. This effect is quite apart from a second important tem- perature modification brought about by ocean currents. The ameliorating action of the Gulf Stream upon the temperature of northern Europe contrasts with the chilling produced by the Labrador Current at sim- ilar latitudes along the northeastern coast of America. Winds exert important effects on the temperature and rainfall of a given region. Thus, the prevailing westerly winds accentuate the ameliorating eflFect of the Gulf Stream on the chmate of northwestern Europe. Tropical and subtropical temperatures are much more restricted along the western coasts of the continental land masses than they are on the eastern side. This restric- tion is brought about either by an upwell- ing of deeper, cold ocean water or by polar currents, or by both acting together. Trop- ical littoral animals are found, for example, only from the northern coast of Peru, 5 de- grees or less south of the equator, north- ward to northern Mexico or southern Cal- ifornia, a total distance of about 33 to 39 geographic degree (Ekman, 1935) (see Fig. 3). On the eastern side of the Amer- icas, the comparable littoral formation ex- tends from Cape Hatteras and the Bermu- das at 35 degrees north latitude to Rio de Janeiro or even to the mouth of the Plata river at 35 degrees south latitude. The situa- tion is similar on the two coasts of the African-Eurasian land mass and on those of THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 79 Australia, although here it is less dramatic. Another exception to the diagrammatic expression of global temperature zones is related to the slope of the land. Effects of slope and exposure are more obvious on mountains or hills than on the plains. Even in level regions in the tundra, however, an almost imperceptible slope toward the south may make the difference between a rela- The world maps of rainfall or vegetation show a fairly definite moisture zonation superimposed on that of temperature. From the equatorial regions northward, with cer- tain known exceptions, the distribution shows the following schematized pattern: 1. A belt of heavy tropical rains with accompanying rain forests lies near the equator. 10° N 10° S - 10° N 0°S Fig. 3. The temperature zones become narrower near the west coast of tropical America. ( Re- drawn from Agassiz. ) tively abundant summer biota and a sparse community of hardier forms that live on a similarly slight neighboring slope to the north. The character of the soil also affects local temperatures. Heavy clay soil warms up much more slowly than does loose, sandy loam. Alkaline soils tend to be heat ac- cumulators, and warmth-limited organisms which grow only on calcareous subsoil in northern Germany and the British Isles are not necessarily so restricted in milder climates. 2. A region of smaller annual rainfall, with more marked rainy and dry seasons, supports tropical savannah or tropical grassland; these formations lie on both sides of the tropical rain forest. 3. Northward over much of the world, there is an area of decreasing rainfall that culminates in the great arid belt that con- tains the Sonoran Desert of North America, the Sahara, the Arabian, and Persian des- erts. Their southern equivalents occur in South America, Africa, and Australia. 4. Generally, the desert gives way tc a 80 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT northern semidesert which, in California and around the Mediterranean, is an area of winter rain and summer drought. 5. To the north lies a region of moderate rainfall that supports either deciduous forests or grasslands in its southern phases and a round-the-world belt of coniferous forests at the north. 6. Farther north there is the tundra, where the rainfall is characteristically scanty and where even the small amount that does fall is physiologically unavailable during the greater part of the year. 7. Finally, as far as land is concerned, there are the well-developed polar ice caps in Greenland and Antarctica. A similar set of conditions can be recog- nized in the southern hemisphere, although, associated with the smaller size of the con- tinental land masses, the rainfall zonation is not so diagrammatically developed ex- cept for the polar ice cap in Antarctica. The distribution of rainfall is strongly a£Fected by mountain ranges. When these extend east and west, as do the Himalayas, the combined rainfall and temperature zon- ation is accentuated. When the mountains extend north and south, as do the Rocky and the Andes Mountains, a secondary pat- tern of rainfall distribution is established which, as will be discussed in more detail later (p. 145), runs at right angles to the global temperature zones. The geography of temperature and rain- fall and of associated factors exerts a strong influence upon the distribution of species of plants and animals and of biotic com- munities that is strikingly shown on the land. Temperature also exerts a strong pri- mary influence on the distribution of marine organisms. The effect of rainfall on marine life is mainly indirect and acts through modification of salinity. Areas of dilution occur along shores and particu- larly near the mouths of the large tropical and subtropical rivers where the great in- flux of fresh water, together with the silt it carries, inhibits the growth of coral reefs. The opposite effect may be noted near des- ert areas, most strikingly in the Red Sea, which shows the effect of its location in the great northern desert belt by the high salin- ity of its waters, 46.5 per mille, as con- trasted with the 35 per mille characteristic of the surface waters of the open ocean. The surface sahnity in the three major oceans, and for these combined, varies from a standard value in direct proportion to the difference between evaporation and pre- cipitation in the area under consideration. Although modified by mixing with water from 400 to 600 meters down, the differ- ence between evaporation and precipitation is of primary importance (Sverdrup, John- son, and Fleming, 1942, p. 124). Especially on land, other environmental factors are also differentially distributed and are important in ecological geography and physiology. They are usually subsidiary to the temperature-rainfall complex. Some of the more important ones include the length of day and the environmental con- ditions associated with altitude and sub- strate. The distribution of soil types forms an important basis of endemism in continental areas, while the presence or absence of traces of copper, cobalt, or selenium, tc name no more, in the soil may have impor- tant ecological effects (p. 221) (Godden, 1939). VARIATIONS IN TIME Some major variations in time have been outhned in the preceding pages, especially those changes that have accompanied the evolving fitness of the physical world to support life. The present discussion will center about (a) changes in chmate on the earth during geological time and (b) more recent and present day periodicities. Geological Climates Physical and biological evidence both indicate that climate during historical times is a poor key to the more usual world cli- mates of the past. Probably less than 1 per cent of geological time has approximated the essentially glacial climatic pattern that is familiar to us. Other aspects of the late Cenozoic and Recent epochs are abnormal. Mountains are more numerous and stand higher; continents are larger; there are more volcanoes; and earthquakes come more fre- quently than they did during the great stretches of geologic time. We are living in a period of geological revolution, of crustal unrest, such as occurred on a full scale between the Proterozoic and the Paleozoic eras and was repeated between the Pale- ozoic and Mesozoic eras (Brooks, 1926; Russell, 1941). Generally speaking, crustal stability, THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 81 low average level of land masses, and wide- spread mild temperatures have character- ized the earth during most of geological time. Seas were more extensive and some- what warmer, and the Arctic Ocean was ice-free even in winter. Precipitation was probably less, but thanks to the higher tem- perature of the greater proportion of water The Pleistocene ice age is of more direct importance for present day ecology than are the several major glaciations of long- past geological eras. The absence of a Pleistocene "continental" glacier from Siberia and much of Alaska not only af- fected biotic distribution at the time, but has had important influence upon the loca- Lower Proterozoic Upper Pro'crozoic Hercynian Alpine \ Climate Upper Carboniferous Quaternary Fig. 4. Periods of mountain building and glaciation through the ages. ( Redrawn from Brooks. ) surface, the humidity of the air was higher. If we can trust the generahzations based on a correlation of red soil and salt deposits with aridity, extensive midcontinental des- erts were also characteristic. On this point there is a controversy, and perhaps we may think of these early deserts as being of a ra- ther mild variety. The intense aridity of modern deserts seems to be associated with the high-standing land masses and the zonal climate to be found in periods of geological revolutions. During the more usual conditions the land areas of the earth probably had a cli- mate much like that of present day tropical lowlands, with forests along the coasts and tropical grasslands in the interior. Toward the poles, that is, above 55 to 60 degrees north latitude, climatic zones became evi- dent, but the shores of the perenniallv open Arctic and Antarctic Oceans experienced only mild winters. The change from a normal geologic cli- mate to a glacial one is marked for prac- tical purposes by the formation of a polar ice cap. An increase on the order of 1.1° C. in the general temperature of the earth to- day would eventually make the whole Arctic ice mass unstable in summer, and, if long continued, would probably clear the Arctic seas of ice. Brooks has calculated that an initial change of about 3° C. at the critical temperature at latitude 50 de- grees north would make the diflFerence be- tween a nonglacial and glacial climate (Fig. 5). tion of many plants and animals today. This last glaciation was marked by four or five main advances of the ice with intervening interglacial periods. In the 30,000 to 40,000 years since the last ice retreated from low-lying regions in the middle lati- tudes of North America and Europe, the climate of the northern hemisphere has not shown a steady trend toward amelioration. The record is read, in part, from the an- LATITUDE, DEGREES Fig. 5. Temperature di£Ference between non- glacial and glacial climates. (Redrawn from Brooks. ) 82 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT nual layers of clay interspersed with coarser materials deposited on the bottom of lakes. These are called varves. The finer clays settle slowly in the quiet water under the ice in winter, while coarser stuflF is held back until spring and summer. The varves in the Scandinavian lakes have been fol- lowed for some 13,700 years. Tree rings have also been studied for the light they throw on cHmatic history. As yet, tree ring analysis covers a much shorter period of time. Tree rings must be inter- preted with care, since they represent, not annual rings necessarily, but merely alter- nating periods of rapid and slow growth. A severe midseason drought following a good growing period would produce a good growth ring; another good growing season in the same year would produce another supposed annual ring. Also, we know that damage caused by insects, lightning, fire, frost, intense heat, excessive snow, sleet, wind, and so forth, as well as drought, may aflFect the rate of growth of trees and so tend to modify the width of the rings of growth (Antevs, 1938). Past climates can also be reconstructed in part from the succession of plant types in peat, from ecological evidence of the shift- ing position of the tree line in mountains or in the far north, from the recovery of re- sistant pollen grains in bogs, from the study of tools, weapons, bones, and kitchen mid- dens of men. Finally, there is the brief period covered by more or less trustworthy human documents. Humphreys (1942) has a brief word to say about one cause of long-time climatic changes. At present the earth is nearest the sun during the first week in January and farthest away during the first week in July. The difi^erence in distance, if long contin- ued, would modify the temperature on the earth about 4 degrees. If conditions were reversed, as they actually were about 10,500 years ago and will be again in about that period of time, the temperature con- trast between summer and winter would be definitely greater than it now is, espe- cially in the northern hemisphere, which contains most of the land mass of the earth. Under present conditions of this long cycle, winters in the northern hemisphere are shorter and milder and summers are longer and also milder, and the climate in general is more equitable in our part of the globe than would be so in any other earth posi- tion with respect to this motion of the peri- helion and precession of the equinoxes. The study of climatic history since che last glacial retreat, the Recent epoch ot geologists, has been most pursued in Europe. A frequently accepted summary of the existing evidence, the so-called Blytt- Sernander hypothesis, follows: The retreat of the ice begun some thirty to forty thou sand years ago and continued fairly steadily until about 12,000 B.C.* This time of gla- cial recession was followed by a sub-Arctic period that lasted about 4000 years until near 8000 B.C., when the ice had re- treated suflBciently to allow sea water to enter the then fresh- water Baltic lake. Then came a warmei Boreal period char- acterized in the Baltic area by the develop- ment of the so-called Yoldia fauna (or com- munity), in which the bivalve mollusk Yoldia arctica was prominent (today this species is restricted to salt waters that have a temperature of 0° C. or lower). On land the Boreal period was marked by a north- ward movement of forests. About 5000 B.C. the Baltic began to support animals that live today in waters warmer than those we now find in the Baltic Sea. This is called the Littorina period, so named for the snail that is prominent in the deposits of the place and time; several species of this genus now inhabit the shores of the north temperate ocean. This Atlantic period lasted until about 3000 B.C. The climate was gener- ally warm and moist; all the mountain gla- ciers disappeared from Europe and from much of North America. The Atlantic peri- od marks the climax in amelioration to date since the last glacial retreat. A drier sub-Boreal period followed that came down to about 1000 B.C., but was interrupted by floods some 300 years earlier. It is supposed, according to the Blytt- Sernander hypothesis, to have given way to a milder sub-Atlantic period, which was in typical development between about 850 and 300 B.C. The existence of the sub- Atlantic period is questioned by some who think that there has been a general deterio- ration of climate from the Atlantic period to the present, which, however, has been interrupted by relatively small swings in temperature and rainfall (Sears, 1935; Trewartha, 1940). * Deevey (1944) follows DeGeer in giving a somewhat different time scale. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 83 Minor fluctuations of climate continued. In the first century A.D., climatic condi- tions were similar to those found today. From near the end of the second to the middle of the fourth centuries, the climate was wet. The fifth century was dry, and the seventh was both dry and warm, so that passes in the Alps were in use that are now closed by glaciers. Heavier rainfall came in Europe near the start of the ninth century, but Nile floods were low until about 1000 A.D. Warmer, drier conditions returned to Eu- rope during the tenth and eleventh cen- turies. Greenland was settled in 984 A.D. and was abandoned at the beginning of the fifteenth century. During that period its cUmate is generally thought to have been milder than it is today. In Europe, the thir- teenth and fourteenth centuries were cold and wet. Amelioration must have set in, for the glaciers of Chamonix were small in 1580, but advanced rapidly until the middle of the seventeenth century; then a retreat began that lasted until 1770, when they again advanced up until the middle of the last century. Since that time the glaciers have retreated approximately to the positions held in the sixteenth century (Brooks, 1926; Russell, 1941). The latter part of this somewhat detailed summary is often condensed as follows: 1. The Boreal period: warm, dry, continental climate; birch and pine were dominant trees. 2. The Atlantic period: warmer, moist, oceanic climate; oaks were dominant trees. 3. The sub-Boreal period: warm, dry con- tinental climate; oaks continuing dominant. 4. The sub-Atlantic period: cool, very wet, oceanic climate; beech and spruce were dom- inant trees (Clements and Chaney, 1936). The scheme may be still more simplified to give only three stages (von Post's hy- pothesis) of postglacial climates, namely: 1. A period of increasing warmth, 2. A period of maximum temperature, and 3. A period of fluctuating, but, on the whole, decreasing temperature. Climates in other parts of the world may or may not follow the European pattern. The climatic sequence in eastern North America can be correlated in a general way with that of Europe. The correlation is as close as could well be expected, since east- ern North America gets its climate from the interior, while, in contrast, western Europe is under strong marine influence. In addition, European climates have been much affected by the complicated history of the Baltic Sea. The three stages of the relatively simple von Post's hypothesis cor- respond fairly well on the two sides of the North Atlantic, and perhaps a still closer correlation exists, as shown in depth pro- files of pollen preserved in bogs; this is out- hned in Table 4. Table 4. Possible Climatic Correlation between Western Europe and Eastern North America (From Deevey, 1944, after Sears) European Periods Vegetation, Eastern North America Climate Sub-Atlantic Oak-chestnut- spruce (Oak-beech) Cool, wet Sub-Boreal Oak-hickory Warm, dry Atlantic Oak-hemlock (Oak-beech) Warm, moist Boreal Pine Warm, drj^ Pre-Boreal Spruce- fir Warm, dry Arctic Sub- Arctic Arctic Missing in Nor diagrams th American Shifts in the location of the tree line to the south of the tundra and in mountains also gives evidence of general climatic trends. According to this criterion, there seems to be evidence that, at present, trees are advancing in Alaska, retreating in southeastern Mackenzie, and apparently re- treating in eastern Canada. The resulting picture of current trends is by no means clear (Raup, 1941). Two generalizations stand out as a result of this hasty review of past climates. The first is the reiterated statement that the present zonal climate, which our experience and records indicate is normal, is highly unusual when viewed with geological per- spective. Through long geological eras there has been climatic cosmopolitanism rather than present day climatic provincialism. The second generalization, a corollary of the first, is to the effect that modern cUmates 84 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT are unstable and have varied much even in recent millennia and centuries. Periodicities Many local environmental variations re- cur with regular rhythms, while others are arrhythmic. The most obvious of the rhyth- mic variations, that of day and night, is beginning to attract the attention from ecologists that it deserves. The day re- presents a period of increased heat and convection currents, as well as of in- creased light; there is also typically a de- crease in relative humidity. Frequently, there are associated phenomena such as the local changes in wind velocity and direction that occur especially near the seashore, in mountains, and near forest margins. Many of these daytime changes markedly increase the evaporating power of the air. Important consequences of diurnal rhythms will be discussed later. Tides run on a shorter period. They are periodic variations in the water level pro- duced by the response of water particles to the attraction of the moon and .sun. Tidal streams result that may attain consid- erable velocity in the shallow waters over shoals such as those of the Newfoundland Banks or in the neighborhood of land. The tidal currents usually follow the direction furnished by natural channnels, if any are present; they become more rapid and the tide rises higher near the head of V-shaped arms of the sea. The len2;th of the ebb usually equals that of the flow of the tide, and the currents near land are in the oppo- site direction during the two tidal phases. In the open sea, the height of the tide is much reduced, the rate of movement is slower, and the general direction may be rotary. The oscillatory tidal movement of the water has a normal period of 12.5 hours (Harvey, 1928). Longer tidal rhythms also exist. The simplest of these is the occur- rence of a lunar cycle in tidal amplitude in which the high spring tides occur each fortnight when the sun and moon are ex- erting supplementary influences. Between the periods of spring tides, there are the lower neap tides that come when the two governing bodies are working more or less in opposition to each other. The grunion. Laureates tenuis, a small smelt of the Cal- ifornia coast, exhibits an annual breeding cycle that is related to this longer tidal rhythm (p. 544; Thompson and Thomp- son, 1919; Clark, 1925). Many animals of the marine littoral re- gion have lunar periodicities in their breed- ing activities that are less obviously related to the forces operating during a lunar cycle. Corals, various mollusks and marine poly- chaete worms, among others, show such relationship. Two types of these lunar peri- odicities have been described for annelid worms. In one, successive breeding periods occur during the summer season, and each lunar cycle shows two peaks of abun- dance. Thus, Nereis limbata at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, ordinarily live as elon- gate worms in burrows; they emerge during their breeding period as short, compact, actively swimming forms that are only a fraction of their usual length. Each so-called run begins near the time of the full moon, increases to a maximum on suc- cessive nights, falls to a low point about the third quarter of the moon, increases to another maximum, and finally all swimming worms disappear shortly after the new moon. A new run starts about the time of the next full moon, and this double cycle is normally repeated four times during the summer (Lillie and Just, 1913; Townsend. 1939). A second type of lunar periodicity occurs when a single annual breeding swarm makes its appearance in accordance with some phase or phases of the lunar cycle. The Atlantic palolo, Leodice fiicata, of Ber- muda and the West Indies inhabits coral reefs and spawns most abundantly during late June and July at about the third quar- ter of the moon, less commonly about the first quarter. There is thus good evidence of an internal or annual rhythm, and yet the time of spawning is partially under di- rect environmental control. It is delayed by water turbulence and by lunar influence. The cavisal factors are still obscure; neither changing nutritive conditions, such as may be associated with the tidal cycle, nor changing hydrostatic pressures are impor- tant. There seems to be a direct effect of moonlight (Clark, 1941, 1941a). When the average duration of illumina- tion is increased, spawning is hastened; it is retarded when the duration of exposure to moonlight is decreased. If the length of exposure to moonlight were the only factor involved, spawning would increase to a maximum near the time of the full moon THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 85 and then decrease. As we have seen, how- ever, the lunar periodicity of spawning in L. fucata is bimodal, and the maxima he about the first and last quarters, when the duration of illumination is first increasing and later decreasing. Something more than a simple quantitative relationship is in- volved. One factor that varies as does swarming is the rate of change in the dura- tion of moonlight. This reaches a maximum near the time of the new and the full moon and a minimum at the first and the third quarters. Descriptively, then, for the At- lantic palolo, the eflFectiveness of moonUght seems to be correlated with some aspect of the daily rate of change of duration. The swarming of other annelids may be initiated by other factors, such as a variation in the intensity of moonlight or a change in some direct efi^ect of the tidal cycle. At this point, as in many other aspects of ecology, we await further field and laboratory analyses. The angles made by the moon and sun with the plane running through the earth's equator vary independently, and so does the distance of each from the earth. The resultant forces exerted by the two bodies on the waters of the earth vary in a complex fashion, one result of which is that in addition to the daily and lunar tidal cycles, seasonal high tides also exist that have their due eflFect on organisms. Other tidal compUcations may be important locally or along long reaches of the seacoast; dis- cussion of these does not fit into our crowded outfine (Harvey, 1928). Some of the complications, as well as the funda- mentals, are treated simply and with in- sight by Coker (1947). Seasonal cycles in tidal amplitude and their efiFects on littoral marine communities are insignificant in comparison with the seasonal changes on terrestrial communities. As stated in Chapter 2, the study of phe- nomena associated with seasonal appear- ance, or phenology, has a long history. In much of the tropics, the annual changes are governed by rainfall and associated factors rather than by temperature, which exerts a controlhng influence in higher latitudes. An intermediate climate, dom- inated by winter rains and summer drought, occurs typically around the Mediterranean Sea and in much of CaUfornia. Many other seasonal variations in climate produce dis- tinctive efiFects upon biotic communities. Seasonal appearance does not necessarily follow the four conventional seasons even in a region where temperature is a major element in the annual cycle. In woodlands associated with the prairie peninsula in IlUnois, it is often possible to recognize six seasonal subdivisions of the biotic com- munity; these are outfined on page 53. On the south side of the equator, in cut- over and primeval mountain forests in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Davis ( 1945, p. 294) also found the year divided into six comparable seasons. The time hmits in such subdivisions are only approximate and may vary widely in diflferent years. The exact number of seasonal subdivisions may also differ according to the community, the geographic and physiographic location of the community, according to the organ- isms used as index species and according to individual judgment as to the time hmits (Clements and Shelford, 1939; Wilhams, 1936). Other Cycles More than fifty environmental periodic- ities had been listed by 1925; these varied in length from a few days to nearly two centuries. Others have been added since that time. Cycles of solar radiation are fre- quently discussed and are highly variable in duration and intensity. Among others, they include recurring periods of seven, eight, eleven, twenty-one, twenty-five, forty- five, and sixty-eight months' duration. The last-mentioned runs for about 5.7 years and is approximately half the length of the sunspot cycle of eleven ^- years. All may be regarded as submultiples of the cycle of magnetic change on the sun that has a periodicity of 276 months, or twenty-three years. A still longer cycle, that of Briickner, lasts from seventeen to fifty years, with a mean length of about thirty-five years. This may be thought of as a threefold multiple of eleven + years or as an effect of inter- ference between this particular sunspot cycle and another of somewhat shorter duration. The literature on such cycles continues rich in quantity and varied in quality. There seems to be some evidence of mind-set in discussing these problems, and judgments differ concerning the ecological importance of many of them. Clements and Shelford (1939), Elton (1942) and Huntington (1945), to mention only a few mature stu- 86 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT dents, are usually more or less favorable. On the other side, Russell (1941, p. 92) wrote: "Though firm advocates of climatic cycles will sharply disagree, such facts as we possess today neither definitely demon- strate nor disprove the existence of any real cycle. Such climatic variability as has been observed may be explained as result- ing from random fluctuations." rhe sunspot cycle of shghtly more than eleven years has attracted much attention from ecologists and others. The underlying causation ot this cycle is still unknown. The cycle itself consists of the periodic varia- tion in numbers of sunspots and is charac- terized, in part, by the tendency to remain at one length of period during a number of repetitions and then to shift to some other value that is again repeated for a time. Since 1750 the periods have varied from approximately eight to sixteen years. Even average values vary between 11.13 and 11.6 years, and a period of 10.2 years is seriously advanced for the sunspot series between 1615 and 1788 A.D. (Douglass, 1936). The variation reflects the continuing inexactness of the basic data regarding weather and chmate (as well as population density), combined at times with the ac- ceptance of indications as a substitute for rigorous proof. Solar radiation appears to be less when there are few (or many) sunspots; a maxi- mum of radiation is reached when the sun- spot number is about 100. It appears that the temperature at the earth's surface tends to be highest when the actual solar radia- tion is least during this particular cycle of radiation. The reasons for this paradox are not yet wholly clear. Shifts on the order of 1 or 2 per cent in intensity of radiation are matters of record. If other conditions remained constant, as they would not do, an increase of 1 per cent in solar radiation would produce a rise of about 0.75° C. in the mean temperature at the earth's sur- face, since this temperature varies essen- tially as the fourth root of the intensity of the radiant energy received from the sun. The reasoning that other conditions would not remain stationary while the inten- sity of solar heat varies is based, in part, on the knowledge that resulting variations in tempera. Mre bring about important changes in atmospheric pressure, and the final effect is to decrease temperature in areas cold for their latitude, while those wann for their latitude have increased warmth (Brooks, 1926). It has been estimated that temperature on the earth might vary about 0.6° C during a sunspot cycle. Small as this amount is, it represents an appreciable fraction of the lowering of temperature that would bring about an ice age. A more recent test of the correspondence between sunspot cycles was made by using temperature records from six scattered tropical stations, covering a period of fifty-eight years. Tropical stations were chosen, since many writers have stated that the closest correlation between sunspots and weather is to be found in the tropics. When the available records were combined in cycles equal to the sunspot cycle of eleven years, a mean temperature ampHtude of 0.22° C. was found. The correlation be- tween sunspot number and the annual tem- perature was found to be —0.37, a correla- tion which, although low, probably indi- cates statistical vaHdity (Elton, 1924; Adams and Nicholson, 1933). Brooks (1926, p. 409) summed up the situation about sunspot cycles as follows: "The most perfect example of a solar rela- tionship hitherto found in purely meteor- ological data is shown by the level of equa- torial Lake Victoria. Generally speaking the eleven-year cycle is characteristic of equa- torial regions while the thirty-five year Briickner cycle is characteristic of higher latitudes. The amplitude and regularity of the eleven-year cycle decreases toward the poles, those of the Briickner cycle increase from the equator toward the North Pole at least." The most discussed biotic cycles include (1) the lemming and mouse cycle of three to four years; (2) the varying hare and lynx cycle of somewhat less than ten years; (3) a cycle corresponding to the sunspot cycle of somewhat more than eleven years which we have been discussing; and (4) another cycle corresponding to the Briick- ner cycle of about thirty-five years. As critical studies accumulate, it becomes difficult to discover biological phenomena exactly coinciding with the last two cycles, even as it is difficult to find a sound envi- ronmental periodicity that corresponds with the first two cycles just listed. Goldie's (1936) suggestion of maxima as related to the mean cycle of annual air drift over the northern part of the British Isles that recurs at an interval of somewhat less than radiation: a general introduction 87 four years remains for the present a suggestion only. Clements and Shelford (1939), although they are, in general, fa- vorable to the idea of a correlation between the eleven-year sunspot cycle and biological events, are able to cite few well authenti- cated cases, and they emphasize, rather, cycles that are near or under ten years in length. Elton (1942), following MacLuiich (1937) and his own unpublished data, has definitelv abandoned the suggestion that the rabbit cycle of the Canadian forests cor- responds to the eleven-year sunspot cycle. Even the oft-cited cycles in tree rings of the giant sequoias of California were re- ported by Huntington (1932) to supply "another type of evidence of this same cycle of about ten years." Douglass (1936) re- cords cycles in tree rings of 5.7, 8.5, 10, 14, 17, 19 or 20, and 23 years and "certain cycles close to 12 years in length." It is perhaps worth noting that the much-dis- cussed eleven-year cycle is not listed in this latest summary. This point seems to trouble Douglass (1936, p. 132), who remarks that "the disturbing feature in all comparisons between solar and terrestrial cycles has been the presence of other cycles on the earth of yery different lengths and only rarely one of 11 years." Because of his hypothesis of a cycle complex, he concludes, however, that "We feel justified in assuming the hypothesis that there is a physical relation- ship between our climatic conditions and the sun." Elton (1942) records his behef that we will eventually be led "back to very curious meteorological and perhaps astro- nomical processes as well as to new rela- tions between climate, physiology, and disease." 5. RADIATION: A GENERAL INTRODUCTION The eflFective environment is holocoenotic; it is a whole composed of many parts as a rope is made of many strands. For the next several chapters holocoenotic aspects will be mainly disregarded, and the approach will be frankly analytical; near the end of the discussion, however, an attempt will be made to bring the strands together again into a unit. For the moment we will focus on one factor or on one set of factors at a time. RADIATION Radiation that reaches the earth from the sun as heat and light has obvious impor- tance for living things. All functional ecol- ogy is closely related, directly or indirectly, to the capture of radiant energy that origi- nates in the sun. Radiations are transmitted in straight lines and are usually thought of as consisting of waves or pulsations which although of different lengths, travel at a velocity of about 3 X 10'" cm. /sec. Some phases of the physics of radiation are most readily explained on the assumption that the radiating units are corpuscles rather than waves. This phase of the matter can be left to the physicists, since ecological as- pects can be stated with approximate accuracy in terms of the wave theory. The lengths of the waves, or pulsations, differ tremendously. They extend from the long waves of radio, thousands of meters in length, to the x-rays, gamma rays, and cosmic rays only a small fraction of an angstrom unit long (an angstrom unit (A) equals 1 X 10"* cm.). Those of known ecological significance are (a) the infra-red rays that are important for the heat they carry and that range from about 0.1 mm. (100 M') or somewhat longer to 7700 A (1 H = 10,000 A) and are not visible to the human eye. Then (b) comes the narrow octave that we know as light; this extends from 7700 to 3900-4000 A and transmits heat as well as light. The exact limits of visible light yary from person to person and from one species of animal to another. Be- yond these are (c) the ultraviolet rays, which, like those of the infra-red region, are invisible to man. Solar radiation re- ceived at the earth's surface extends from about 135.000 to about 2860 A and lies mainly ^^^thin the wave lengths of 30.000 and 3000 A. There is a sharp maximum at 4700 A. The earth radiates as well as re- ceives radiations. Coming from a cool body, these lie mainly between 40.000 and 500,000 A (4-50 n), with a maximum at 95.000 A. Water vapor absorbs solar radiation dif- ferentially, with the absorption mainly taking place in wave lengths of 8000 A or longer, a region that lies well beyond the 88 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT point of maximum intensity of incident radiation. The absorption on a clear humid day rarely amounts to more than 15 per cent of the incident energy. Thus 85 per cent of radiations from the sun that are not stopped by other causes pass the water barrier in such an atmosphere. In contrast, water vapor absorbs almost all the terres- trial radiation. If the atmosphere holds only the equivalent corresponding to 1 cm. pre- cipitation, it absorbs 72 per cent of the TOTAL RADIANT ENERGY The mean value of the amount of radia- tion received from the sun at the upper level of the earth's atmosphere is 1.94 gm. calories per square centimeter per minute. This is called the solar constant. If this amount of heat could be absorbed and re- tained, it would warm a layer of cool water 1 cm. deep at the rate of 1.94° C. per minute. The atmosphere screens out inci- en ° I- 2! oo o mi;- — fON -■y RAYS— » ■X-RAYS- ULTRA VIOLET ♦ ksUISHJ * INFRA L RED VISIBLE •HERTZIAN Fig. 6. The electromagnetic spectrum. (Redrawn with slight changes from Heyroth's revision of Ellis andWeUs.) earth's radiation. This phenomenon is called the "greenhouse effect" and acts so that solar radiation is transmitted and the earth's radiation is retained. The effect is still strong in a relatively dry atmosphere. Scattering and reflection brought about by dust particles in the atmosphere produce an "inverse greenhouse effect." The sun's radiation is screened out by such particles, and the earth's radiation is not affected. The "greenhouse effect" results in a warmed earth, and the "antigreenhouse effect" pro- duces a lowering of the surface temperature (Laurens, 1933). The portion of the sun's ultraviolet radiation that passes through the earth's atmosphere approximately coin- cides with the so-called near ultraviolet. The middle and extreme ultraviolet rays have many biological effects and great theoretical value, but so far as we now know they are not important in outdoor ecology. The parts of the whole radiation spectrum that are ecologically significant will be considered in the following chapters in the order of their decreasing wave- lengths. dent energy the more, the greater the distance of air mass that is traversed, the greater the amount of water vapor in the air, and the more dust (Brooks, 1926), The amount of energy that reaches the earth's surface is also affected by the distance of the earth from the sun and by variations in the energy radiated by the sun. Other conditions being equal, the solar radiation received in early January is about 7 per cent greater than that of early July, since the earth is nearer the sun in January (see p. 82). The amount of water vapor in the atmos- phere decreases, in general, with latitude and distance from the ocean, and increases with temperature. Radiation intensity is de- creased on the order of 2 per cent by an increase of 1 mm. in water vapor pressure. The intensity of solar radiation differs greatly at different points on the earth and, at the same point, at different hours of the day or night. At Washington, D, C, 127 meters above sea level, the amount of energy received at noon is on the order of 60 per cent of the mean solar constant. radiation: a general introduction 89 The value falls to about 10 per cent of this constant when the sun stands just above the horizon (Kimball and Hand, 1936). Then the rays pass through 14.5 times the air mass that they have to traverse at noon. These radiations were measured at right angles to the rays of the sun. For many ecological purposes, the total amount of radiation, both direct and indirect, is more important. This is better approximated by using the vertical component of the total solar radiation that falls on a given point. for a given interval of time can be calcu- lated from the formula: Q. = Qo[a +(1.00 -a)S] in which S is the percentage of possible hours of sunshine; Qo is the radiation re- ceived from a clear sky, and Q, is the amount received from a more or less over- cast sky; a is a so-called constant the value of which varies with the character of the clouds, with dust in the atmosphere. Jan. 21 Feb 20 Mar. 22 Apr 21 May 21 June 20 July 20 Aug 19 5ept 18 Oct. 18 Nov. 17 Dec 17 y ~~, N. ^ / / / N \ N ■■ / ^ — —-. ^ \ N, .. / ' / ty -- - ^ s N \ \ \ 8 / / / V / / P ^ "S ■v, \ s k, \ \ \ s, \ \ / / C / / ^ -L — \ \ \ N \ S, \ s '/ /I / / y^ ^ ^ — . ■^ > \ \ \ s \ N N y / 1 / / / / / z' / / y \ 1 N \ N \ \ \ ^ \ \ \ ^ ■• 3 2 ^ K ^ / k / / / ^ \ \ S \ \ ^ ^ !-, = ^" kJ ■"y / / y / \ \ ^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ y v s > -^ == := = -^ 1 ^ ~- L- " r •1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 Fig. 7. Smoothed annual variation in the total radiation received on a horizontal surface. A, Oatside the atmosphere at the latitude of Washington. Cloudless sky: B, Twin Falls, Idaho; C, Washington. Average cloud conditions: D, Twin Falls; E, Washington; F, Chicago. ( Redrawn with modi- fications from Kimball and Hand.) The radiation received may consist of (a) direct sunhght, {h) diffuse sky radiation, skylight, and (c) radiation from trees or other objects of the environment. The distribution of solar insolation is such that only two-fifths as much heat is received per unit surface at the poles as at the equator, and the polar ice and snow cap may reduce the effective insolation still more (WiUett, 1931). All solar radiation is much affected by the amount of cloudiness in the earth's at- mosphere. In general, the proportion of direct sunlight varies inversely with the amount of skyUght. The effect of cloudiness on the vertical component of incident hght and also perhaps with surface conditions. A commonly accepted value for a in the eastern United States is 0.22, and the basic equation becomes: Q, = Qo(0.22 + 0.78S) The maximum amount of sunhght re- ceived at the latitude of Washington is 1.5 gm. cal./min./cm."; this is equivalent to an intensity of about 10,000 foot candles. On Mt. Whitney, at an altitude of 4420 meters, the amount may reach 1.67 gm. cal./min./ cm.*, or approximately 11,000 foot candles. The distribution of total radiation from the sun at the earth's surface is as follows: The 90 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT radiation in the remote infra-red supplies an insignificant amount of energy. On some days the infra-red energy between about 20,000 to 30,000 A and 7700 A, the begin- ning of visibiUty, may be greater than that carried by visible Hght. In general, 50 to 58 per cent of radiant energy lies in the visible range, and 1 to 5 per cent Ues in the ultra- violet region, with less than 0.1 per cent tive solar energy is such that the entire field of the ultraviolet gives only a small fraction of the caloric energy to reach the earth, while the nonvisible, infra-red rays carry about one-half of the heat received. Data from the latitude of Cleveland, Ohio, are summarized in Figure 8. The maximum in- tensity of the sun's energy as it reaches the earth Hes at 4700 to 5000 A. with the sun 50- 10- 2 1.0 7 AIR MASS 1.50 2.37 • 9 1- < ' - a: < 0.5^ 1- o •" 01- ; u. o 2 u o - Q- 0.01 -I UJ Q. 0.005- 0.001- 0.000 1 IIIILIZ3Z: I niiiEziz: I ninrzs: Fig. 8. Spectral distribution in percentage of total solar radiation at the latitude of Cleve- land, Ohio. I, Below 3100 A; II, below 3250 A; III, below 3500 A; IV, below 4000 A; V, 4000 to 7000 A. ( Drawn from data reported by Forsythe and Chiistison. ) in wave lengths shorter than 3130 A (Bracket, 1936; Kimball, 1924; Ellis and Wells, 1941). Figure 7 gives the annual variations and total radiation received on a horizontal sur- face with a clear sky or with average cloud conditions for three widely separated stations in the United States. The record for Washington, D. C, which is also given, shows weekly variations as great as 50 per cent of the normal values and from 30 to 40 per cent of the mean solar constant. Spectral distribution of ecologically eflFec- near the zenith. The region of the greatest intensity is displaced toward the longer wavelengths with decreasing altitude of the sun and is located at about 7000 A at 80° incidence when the rays are passing through nearly six air masses; the shortwave Umit is similarly shifted toward the red under these conditions (Forsythe and Christison, 1930; Bundesen, Lemon, et al, 1927). Approximations are sometimes more re- vealing than exact statements. Roughly one- third of the radiation reaching the earth's atmosphere is thrown oflF into outer space IIEAT 91 again without making any change either on the earth or in its atmosphere. Roughly another third is absorbed by the atmos- phere, and the final third is absorbed by the earth itself. These are average figures for the earth as a unit when all seasons are considered. On a clear day, when the sun stands overhead at the zenith, approximately 92 per cent of the radiation at sea level comes from the sun directly; the other 8 per cent comes from the sky. The relative differ- ences decrease until they are equal, though both are much less, when the sun is some 8 degrees above the horizon. The intensity of direct radiation from the sun increases with an increase of height above sea level; con- versely, the intensity of sky radiation decreases with altitude. When the sun is overhead in an overcast sky, if the cloud layer is uniform, the brightness is surpris- ingly uniform; brightness decreases about 10 per cent 45 degrees from the zenith and about half of that at a point almost at the horizon (Humphreys, 1942). ECOLOGICAL RADIATION UNIT Under many conditions, the amount of radiation received in a given biotic com- munity, or a fraction thereof, can be summarized by the ecological radiation unit that may be stated in terms of energy or of light intensity (O. Park, 1931). This unit represents a summation of (1) the inten- sity (a) under the open sky, (b) under different degrees of shade, and (c) in sun- flecks under a canopy of vegetation; (2) the area in the community which receives ra- diation of each of the recognized inten- sities. In a representative case, the ecologi cal radiation unit of the forest floor can be calculated as follows: Let A =: unit area P = portion of unobstructed radiation Shi = shaded portion of density 1 Sh2 = shaded portion of density 2 S = portion covered by sunflecks Q = intensity of unobstructed radiation Qi = mean intensity in sunflecks qi = mean intensity in Shi qz = mean intensity in Sh2 When P + S -^ Shi -t- Sh= = A, the fol- lowing simple formulation can be stated: PQ + SQ, + Shiq, + Shsqj AQi = Ecological radiation unit. The ecological radiation unit may sum- marize all radiation, or it may be broken into different fractions, as, for example, the originally proposed ecological light unit (O. Park, 1931; Strohecker, 1938). The latter has distinctly different values in the several stages of the dune-forest succession. 6. HEAT EFFECTS OF HEAT ON THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT Heat is a form of energy, of which two important ecological factors may be recog- nized. There is (1) the intensity factor, temperature, and (2) a capacity factor, heat capacity. Temperature is measured in degrees on some temperature scale; in this book the centigrade scale will be used un- less otherwise stated. The capacity for heat is defined as the quantity of heat taken to raise the temperature of the given substance through 1° C. The standard unit, the calorie, is the quantity of heat required to raise 1 gm. of water from 15° to 16° C; this is a gram-calorie and represents a rela- tive!" ■-..■: Sierra Nevada Wolverine — ■^ ■'■'■■■■■'■• Sierra Least Weasel <^ - Gray Bushy-toiled Wood Rat ^__ ^^T Yosemite Cony ■.;■.■■.-•' ^-^ -— Mountain Lemming Mouse -^ — Fig. 19. Distribution of vertebrates in the Yosemite region of California in terms of Merriam's life zones. ( Rearranged from Grinnell and Storer. ) HEAT ir known to aflFect the distribution of animals (Grinnell and Storer, 1924; Grinnell, Dixon and Linsdale, 1930) : vegetation, food, rain, humidity, soil moisture, pH of soil, tem- perature, altitude, atmospheric density, available breeding niches, available refuge niches, light, cloudiness and competition. The distribution of animals in many parts of the world is more or less closely tied up with temperature. For instance, temperature races of the fruit fly, Drosophila funebris, exist in Europe. Northwestern populations are more resistant to cold; southwestern ones, to heat. All eastern populations, whe- ther from the northeast or the southeast. ture of their respective habitats. Doubtless their distribution is also affected by other environmental factors. THE BIOCLIMATIC RULE In spring and early summer in temperate latitudes, periodic phenomena, such as be- ginning of blossoming for a given species, ripening of fruit, or appearance of active in- sects, usually come three or four days later for each higher degree of latitude and for each 100 to 130 meters of latitude from any given base. In late summer and autumn, similar relations can be recognized, but in the reverse direction. In certain regions tem- Fig. 20. Approximate distribution of three "temperature races" of Drosophila funebris. (Re- drawn from Timofeeff-Ressovsky, in Huxley.) show high tolerance to both heat and cold. These differential resistances are correlated with the respective temperatures of the re- gions under consideration. Figure 20 shows that the January isotherm of —5 degrees runs from northern Norway to southeastern Russia. The July isotherm of 20 degrees runs from Lisbon on the Atlantic eastward and then northward up to about 63 degrees latitude in Russia. The spread between these isotherms in the east encloses an area with a seasonal diflFerence of 25 degrees and reveals the continental climate of this inland region. Thus, even a coarse analysis of these temperature races of D. funebris shows a high correlation with the tempera- perature relations vary also along a given set of meridians. Thus Hopkins, who def- initely formulated the bioclimatic relations for the United States as a "law" of nature, added that there was a seasonal retardation of four days from west to east for each 5 degrees of longitude. This rule was origi- nally worked out on the basis of observa tions on North American and European phenology. The speed of migration of birds gives a convenient test for the application of this rule to one prominent periodic phenomenon in animal life. From New Orleans to south- ern Minnesota, the average speed of migra- tion for all species of birds is close to 23 118 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT miles a day. The speed for individual mi- grants or for a given twenty-four hours may be much greater or much less, but the aver- age holds, and this average brings the mean rate of migration within the rule as stated. Northward, the rate of migration is faster, probably because some of the slower spe- cies have stopped to nest, and so the aver- age rate is increased, and because, once started, the season develops faster in north- em latitudes.* In China, the bioclimatic rule was fol- lowed, in whole or in part, by eleven species of Lepidoptera (41 per cent of those studied). Three of these species have one annual generation only and overwinter as pupae. Of the sixteen species (59 per cent) that did not conform, six overwin- tered as larvae. The rule seems, in general, to be a useful summarizing statement of a situation that holds for some, though by no means for all, seasonal events. It must be remembered that seasonal changes are aflFected by differences in length of day and frequently by rainfall and other conditions as well as by changes in temperature. STRUCTURAL MODIFICATION INDUCED BY TEMPERATURE It is easy to produce changes in metabo- lism in response to changes in temperature. Such functional modifications, important as they are at times, are usually reversible and transitory. Those modifications of function that result in phenotypic changes in struc- ture attract more attention because they are both rarer and more obvious. Changes in temperature are known to produce struc- tural modifications, and numerous instances can be cited with the well-studied Droso- phila melanogaster alone, in which, among other structures, temperature affects the number of facets in the eyes, the size of vestigial eyes, and the presence or absence of supernumerary legs (Goldschmidt, 1938). Cyclomorphosis A most striking instance of a relation be- tween body form and seasonal change in temperature is the phenomenon of cyclo- morphosis in some small aquatic organisms, " Selected references include Cooke (1917), Hopkins (1918, 1920), Clarke, Margerie, and Marshall (1924), Chapman (1934), and Mell (1935). including Cladocera, some simplified as- pects of which are illustrated in Figure 21. The facts as collected from observations in nature are: In Danish waters, at least, a change of form in whole populations of wild Daphnia follows a rise in temperature to between 12° and 16° C. (or to above 19° in Connecticut; Brooks, 1946). The head projections or helmets become fully devel- oped in a few weeks and thereafter remain at their summer size; hence, there is little SUMMER Fig. 21. Cyclomorphosis in Cladocera, show- ing identical winter forms, but contrasting summer forms. ( Redrawn from Coker. ) correlation between the degree of warmth of the water and the size of the helmet. A gradual reversion to the round-headed win- ter form may occur in the autumn; in sum- mer, perhaps after the formation of ephip- pial eggs, the daphnia may disappear to reappear in autumn as ephippial round heads. Correlation of helmets with abun- dance of food, if indeed it exists, is only partial, and all size relations, both with temperature and food, fail when popula- tions from different waters are compared. There is a rough, partial correlation be- tween the size of the body of water and degree of helmet development, with larger helmets in larger bodies of water and their HEAT 119 almost complete absence in laboratory dishes. In different locations and despite in- dividual variations, the general form of the helmet is characteristic for the several pop- ulations. Two main theories have been advanced to explain the phenomenon of cyclomor- phosis in cladocerans (Coker, 1939). The first, the buoyancy theory, is based on the related species from warmer waters. The low temperatures retard the rate of growth and delay the appearance of sexual activity; this delay tends to produce larger forms. In marine copepods, for example, there is an inverse correlation between body size and temperature. The relation to temperature may be more indirect, since the viscosity of warm water is so much lower than that of Fig. 22. The decreasing size of ears of Lepus from south to north. A, Arizona, jack rabbit ( L. alleni); B, jack rabbit from Oregon (L. californicus); C, varying hare from northern Minnesota (L. americanus); D, Arctic hare from the Barren Grounds (L. arcticus). (Redrawn from Hamilton. ) fact that the floating power of warm water is much less than that of cold water, and there is the suggestion that protuberances, whether spines or helmets, will aid the flo- tation process in summer. The other theory holds that the protuberances are directive and stabilizing surfaces that function as do rudders or keels. Jordan's Rule Jordan's rule that fishes in low tempera- tures tend to have more vertebrae than do those in warmer waters holds true in gen- eral; however, this is not the only factor that affects the number of vertebrae of closely related fish. One of the exceptions is illustrated by the observation that the average number of vertebrae of young coal- fish, Gadus viens, is lower for small fish than it is for large ones of the same year class. A possible, though unproved, explana- tion for the relations found in coalfish may be that small eggs produce smaller fish lar- vae than do larger eggs and that such ef- fects persist in later life. In such an in- stance, temperature is involved only indi- rectly (Dannevig, 1933). Cold-water forms of many sorts are fre- quently larger than are individuals or cold water that the larger forms would be handicapped in their efforts to maintain po- sition in warmer seas (Hesse, Allee, and Schmidt, 1937; Coker, 1934). Bergmann's Rule and Allen's Rule Homoiothermal animals from colder cli- mates tend to be larger in size and hence to have less surface in proportion to body weight than do their relatives from warmer regions. This phenomenon occurs widely even though not universally among birds and mammals and is usually interpreted in relation to heat conservation in the north and to heat radiation in the south. This is Bergmann's rule. Allen's rule is correlated with it and is concerned with the marked tendency toward the lessening of extremi- ties in colder climates (see Fig. 22.) Allen based his conclusions on measurements of animals killed in nature. His observations have many confirmations both from field and laboratory studies, especially when rather large differences in temperatvire are considered. For example, mice reared at 31 to 33.5° C. have longer tails than those of the same strain reared at 15.5 to 20° (Allen's rule), and the latter have larger and stockier bodies and hence are decidedly 120 ANALYSIS OF THE ENVIRONMENT heavier (Bergmann's rule) (Allen, 1905; Ogle, 1934). Similarly, the young of the common domestic fowl kept at 6° C. during their third and fourth months of life were shorter in body length, gained more weight, and had shorter tarsi and tails than did their former flock mates, which were kept throughout at 21 to 24.5°. The birds from the lower temperature also had larger hearts, as has been reported for birds in nature (Hesse, 1921; Hesse, Allee, and Sclimidt, 1937; Allee and Lutherman, 1940). An interesting sidelight on the relation between internal and external temperatures with respect to extremities throws important light on phenomena such as those that doubtless underlie Allen's rule. Red bone marrow, ordinarily absent from the distal regions of the tail in many animals, will form if the intact tail tip is inserted into and retained in the warm body cavity by a sim- ple surgical operation (Huggins and Block- som, Jr., 1936). Conversely, spermatozoa of certain animals with pendant testes, such as sheep, will not develop if the tempera- ture is raised to that normally found within the body cavity (Moore and Quick, 1924). Poikilothermous terrestrial animals tend to have their species and individuals with largest size in warmer, rather than in colder, climates. In this, a main trend in their sur- face-mass geographic relations difi^ers from the general rule for homoiotherms. Terres- trial lizards, snakes, and many insects have their larger species, or individuals within a species, in the warmer parts of their range. Exceptions occur to both the homoiother- mal and poikilothermal phases of this rule. Among mammals, there are many, of which racoons (Prociion) aflFord an example, in which the body size becomes smaller to- ward the north. The reduction in body size corresponds with an invasion of a less suit- able climate. Hibernating mammals and migrating birds escape the full rigors of winter cold and may show no relation be- tween body size and environmental tem- peratures. Small birds have difficulty in maintaining an even, high body tempera- ture in a variable climate and may be lim- ited to the tropics except for summer migrations; the hummingbirds give an ex- ample. An exception to the usual rule that in terrestrial, cold-blooded forms the body size is largest toward the tropics is fur- nished by bumblebees, which are fuzzier and larger in the northern part of their range. These are evidently adjustments that conserve the body heat generated by the action of large wing muscles. Here we have another example of the frequent experience of ecologists. When different principles come into conflict, only a direct inquiry can determine which will be followed in any given instance. It is worth repeating that while we can discern and outline many broad general ecological principles with confidence, their application in a given situation is frequently a matter for empiri- cal research. CONCLU